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SELEOTIOl^S 


FROM  THE 


l^EWSPAPER   ARTICLES 


Thuelow   Weed. 


ALBANY: 
WEED,  PAKSONS    AND  COMPANY,   PRINTERS. 

1877. 


^15 


PREFACE. 


These  selections  from  articles  written  bj  my  grandfather 
at  various  times  for  the  Newspaper  Press  have  been 
reprinted  without  his  knuwledge,  and  merely  in  the  hope 
that  in  this  form  they  inay  prove  an  acceptable  gift  to 
him  on  New  Year  Day,  1878. 

Materials  for  such  a  volume  have  been  faithfully  gathered 
and  preserved  for  many  years  by  a  devoted  daughter ;  but 
in  the  short  time  allotted  for  the  preparation  of  the  present 
work  it  has  been  found  impossible  to  incorporate  in  it  many 
important  letters  and  editorials  that  are  now  conspicuously 
absent.  The  following  pages,  however,  while  they  are  not 
intended  for  general  circulation*,  may  serve  as  reminiscences 
of  an  earnest,  beneficent  and  honorable  life. 


THURLOW  WEED  BARNES. 


TABLE  OF  OOISTTEI^TS. 


PAGE. 

First  Agricultural  Fair  (Chenango  County,  1818) 1 

"  My  First  Salmon  "  (Onondaga  County,  1810) 6 

Onondaga  Reminiscences  (Mickel's  Furnace,  1812) 9 

Newspaper  Reminiscences  (1812-1815) 11 

A  Veteran  Legislator  (S.  G.  Throop,  1818-1820) 16 

Herkimer  County  Centennial  Celebration  (Reminiscences,  1813) 19 

Letter  to  Chenango  Telegraph  (S.  S.  Randall,  1818) 23 

Rochester  Theatre  (1826) 26 

Letter  to  N.  T.  Typographical  Association  (1851) 27 

Play  Actors,  etc.,  Fifty  Years  Ago 35 

Gov.  Clinton  and  Peter  H.  Livingstone  (1817) 36 

Edwin  Croswell's  Letter  (Peter  R.  Livingstone,  etc.,  1817) 38 

Surviving  Members  of  Early  Legislatures 39 

Politicians  of  Long  Ago  (1818-1824) 43 

Establishment  of  The  Albany  Evening  Journal  (1830) 47 

"  A  Good  Enough  Morgan  "  (1826) 51 

The  Great  "  Webster  Dinner  "  (1831) 61 

Stage  Coach  Traveling  Fifty  Years  Ago 73 

Secret  Political  History  (1839) 91 

Valedictory  {Albany  Eveniny  Journal,  1863) 95 

Unwritten  Chapter  of  History  {N.  Y.  Herald,  1861) 98 

Relief  for  Suffering  Operatives  in  England  (1862) 103 

The  "  Trent "  Difficulty  {London  Times,  1862) 104 

Can  King  Cotton  be  Dethroned  ?  {London  Obseroer,  1862) 108 

Letter  to  Abraham  Wakeman,  Esq.  (Presidential  Election,  1864) 112 

War  Record  of  Es-Secretary  Chase  (1864) 121 

Horace  Greeley  —  A  Congressional  Candidate  (1870) 125 

Horace  Greeley's  Birthday  (1870) 137 

Diplomatic  Incidents  (1850-1861) 149 

Queen  Victoria  and  America  (1861) 164 

Lieiiteuant-General  Winfield  Scott  (1814-1862) 170 

The  Late  Sir  Henry  Holland 178 

Presidential  Campaign,  1872 180 

Questions  of  the  Day  (1873) 184 

The  Financial  Crisis  (1873) 190 

Legislative  Purity  (1826-1873) 192 


vi  Table  of  Contents. 

PAGE. 

Legislative  Integrity  (1873) 194 

State  Gubernatorial  Canvass  (1874) 197 

A  Centennial  Celebration,  Not  an  Exposition  (1874) 201 

Integrity  of  Past  State  Administrations  (S.  J.  Tilden,  1874) 205 

Temperance  Agitations 209 

Legislative  Compliment  to  Mr.  Weed  (1824-1874) 212 

Stolen  Watch  Recovered 215 

Letter  to  V.  W.  Smith,  Esq.  (Political  Review) 216 

Andrew  Johnson's  Return  to  the  U.  S.  Senate  (1875) 229 

Board  of  Emigration  in  N.  Y.  City 232 

The  Bible  in  the  Public  Schools 236 

Religious  Revivals  —  "  Moody  and  Sankey  " 237 

Canal  Frauds 241 

The  Political  Situation  in  1876 246 

Letter  to  Albany  Evening  Journal  (Political  Situation,  1876) 247 

Democratic  State  Ticl^et  (1876) 252 

Political  Prospects  (1876) _, 253 

Non-partisan  Government  (1877) 256 

Moses  H.  Grinnell,  Esq 260 

H.  S.  Sanf ord,  Esq.  (Minister  to  Belgium) 263 

Newspaper  Typography 266 

Resumption  of  Specie  Payments 267 

The  President's  Manifesto  (1874) 269 

The  Silver  Controversy 371 

Silver  as  Lawful  Money 274 

Ancient  Use  of  Silver 278 

The  Silver  Question 283 

Unlimited  Silver 289 

Letter  to  N.  Y.  Press  Association 296 


SKETCHES  AND  LETTERS. 


PIEST  AGEICULTUKAL  FAIK  IN  CHEJSTANGO 
COUE'TT  m  1819. 


Carbon  Cliff,  Rock  Island  County, 
Illinois,  Septemhe?'  8th,  1869. 

Ed's  Telegraph  :  —  The  following  account  of  the  first 
Agricultural  Fair  ever  held  in  Chenango  county,  I  find  in  a 
copy  of  "The  Plough  Boy''''  published  at  Albany,  N".  Y., 
September  25th,  1819,  just  half  a  century  ago.  The  article 
was  written  by  the  Hon.  Thuiiow  Weed,  and  I  presume  will 
be  read  with  much  interest  by  the  friends  and  descendants  of 
those  who  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  agricultural  matters  at 
that  early  day.  Toui-s  Truly, 

Sara  S.  Thomas. 


TARMERS'  HOLIDAY. 

[From  the  Republican  Agriculturist,  Norwich,  Chenango  Co.,  Sept.  23, 1819.] 

The  first  Cattle  Show  and  Fair  of  the  Chenango  County 
Agricultural  Society  was  holden  in  this  village  on  Tuesday  and 
Wednesday  of  this  week ;  and  the  prediction  we  made  a  short 
time  since,  that  the  22d  and  23d  of  September  would  be  "  proud 
days  for  Chenango  "  was  most  fully  and  amply  verified.  The 
weather  was  extremely  beautiful  and  lent  much  interest  to 
the  occasion. 

We  have  only  room  this  week  for  a  brief  description. 


2  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

First  Day  —  Tuesday. 

The  animals,  manufactures,  and  other  productions  offered 
for  premimn  were  entered  and  classed  in  the  forenoon  —  at 
one  o'clock  the  Society  sat  down  to  a  good  home-spun  dinner 
—  at  two  the  Viewing  Committee  commenced  their  duties 
which  occupied  the  remainder  of  the  day. 

Second  Day  —  Wednesday. 

At  ten  the  procession  formed  under  the  direction  of  Col. 
Pike,  marshal  of  the  day,  assisted  by  Brigade  Quarter-Master 
Morgan,  and  moved  through  the  principal  streets,  around  the 
public  square  to  the  Presbyterian  meeting  houses  in  the  follow- 
ing order :  — 

Citizens  and  Spectators. 

A  plough,  drawn  by  the  first  best  Gelding  horse  and  held 
by  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Tillage. 
American  Standard,  with  appropriate  emblems. 

Members  of  the  Society. 

President  of  the  Society  and  the  Rev.  Clergy.  The  exer- 
cises in  the  church  commenced  by  a  national  air  from  the 
choir,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Clark,  at  its  conclusion,  made  an  ani- 
mated, feeling,  and  most  appropriate  prayer.  The  President 
of  the  institution,  Mr.  Uri  Tracj-,  pronounced  a  plain,  intelli- 
gent, and  truly  useful  address.  The  following  premiums  were 
then  proclaimed  by  the  President  and  presented  by  the  Mar- 
shal. 

(9??/  Manufactures. 

For  the  best  piece  of  fulled  cloth,  five  dollars,  to  Mrs,  Eliza- 
beth Brown  ;  second  best,  four  dollars,  to  Thomas  Brown ; 
third  best,  three  dollars.  Miss  Polly  Garnsey. 

Por  the  best  piece  of  woman's  pressed  flannel,  six  dollars,  to 
Mrs.  Fanny  Ransford  ;  second  best  flannel,  five  dollars,  to  Mrs, 
Elizabeth  Brown ;  third  best  flannel,  four  dollars,  to  Mrs. 
Phelinda  Kent ;  fourth  best  flannel,  three  dollars,  to  Mrs. 
Fanny  Ransford. 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  3 

For  the  best  piece  of  flannel,  three  dollars,  to  Miss  Priscilla 
Welling. 

For  the  best  piece  of  table  linen,  four  dollars,  to  Miss  Poll}^ 
Garnsej ;  second  best  table  linen,  three  dollars,  to  Miss  Phe- 
linda  Kent ;  third  best  table  linen,  two  dollars,  to  Mrs.  North. 

For  the  best  piece  of  linen  shirting,  six  dollars,  to  Miss  Har- 
riet Bennet;  second  best  piece  of  shirting,  five  dollars,  to 
Thomas  W.  Randall. 

For  the  best  cheese,  five  dollars,  to  Mark  Patterson  ;  second 
best  cheese,  four  dollars,  to  Samuel  Cole ;  third  best  cheese, 
three  dollars,  to  Phelinda  Kent. 

For  the  best  fanning  mill,  four  dollars,  to  John  Bowing. 

For  the  best  plough,  six  dollars,  to  Joel  Hendrick. 

On  Domestic  Animals. 

For  the  best  stud  horse  kept  in  the  county,  ten  dollars,  to 
Giles  Briggs ;  second  best  stud  horse,  five  dollars,  to  Thomas 
North. 

For  the  best  breeding  mare  and  colt,  five  dollars,  to  John 
Harris ;  second  best  mare  and  colt,  four  dollars,  to  Stephen 
Medbmy. 

For  the  best  gelding  horse,  five  dollars,  to  Haskel  Eansford  ; 
second  best  horse,  four  dollars,  to  Truman  Enos ;  third  best 
horse,  two  dollars,  to  John  Harris. 

For  the  best  yoke  of  oxen,  ten  dollars,  to  Hascal  Pansford ; 
second  best  yoke,  eight  dollars,  to  Edmond  G.  Perlee ;  third 
best  yoke,  six  dollars,  to  Samuel  Kent. 

For  the  best  milch  cow,  eight  dollars,  to  Ira  Noble ;  second 
best  cow,  six  dollars,  to  Henry  Yan  DerLyn  ;  third  best  cow, 
four  dollars,  to  Penuel  Jewel. 

For  the  best  pair  of  three  year  old  steers,  six  dollars,  to 
Hascal  Pansf ord ;  second  best  pair  of  three  year  old  steers, 
five  dollars,  to  Hascal  Ransford  ;  third  best  pair  of  three  year 
old  steers,  three  dollars,  to  Hascal  Ransford. 

For  the  best  pair  of  two  year  old  steers,  four  dollars,  to 
John  Pellet ;  second  best  two  year  old  steers,  three  dollars,  to 
Isaac  S.  Bockee ;  third  best  two  year  old  steers,  two  dollars,  to 
Isaac  S.  Bockee. 


4:  Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 

For  the  best  three  year  old  heifer,  five  dollars,  to  Peter  B. 
Garnsey  ;  second  best  heifer,  four  dollars,  to  James  Thompson  ; 
third  best  heifer,  three  dollars,  to  H.  Ransford. 

For  the  best  bull  calf,  five  dollars,  to  Philander  Raymond ; 
second  best  calf,  three  dollars,  to  Joel  Thomson  ;  third  best 
calf,  two  dollars,  to  John  Randall. 

For  the  best  ram,  five  dollars,  to  Asa  Pellet ;  second  best 
ram,  four  dollars,  to  Ephraim  Wells ;  third  best  ram,  three  dol- 
lars, to  Hezekiah  Brown. 

For  the  best  hog,  four  dollars,  to  Obadiah  German ;  and  for 
the  four  best  pigs,  four  dollars,  to  Hezekiah  Brown. 

The  premiums  offered  on  agricultural  productions  could  not 
be  awarded,  in  consequence  of  the  impracticability  of  candi- 
dates ascertaining  the  character  and  quantity  of  their  crops  at 
so  early  a  period  of  the  season.  The  Society  meets  again  for 
that  purpose  in  March  next. 

After  the  premiums  were  awarded  and  thanks  returned  to 
the  Throne  of  Grace,  the  procession  again  formed  in  the  same 
order,  returned  to  Mr.  Steere's  and  partook  of  a  second  "  holi- 
day dinner." 

One  hundred  and  sixteen  animals  were  offered  for  pre- 
miums, and  many  more  were  driven  in  for  exhibition,  and 
although  premiums  could  not  be  awarded  on  all,  yet  their 
numbers  and  appearance  enhanced  the  pleasures  of  the  Fair, 
and  reflected  great  credit  on  the  praiseworthy  emulation  of 
their  owners.  The  calves  offered  by  Messrs.  Randall,  Ray- 
mond, Thompson  and  others,  excited  the  most  lively  interest. 
They  were  of  the  first  order.  That  of  Mr.  Randall,  which  was 
but  eleven  months  old,  was  much  larger  than  the  ordinary  two 
years  old,  and  that  of  Mr.  Raymond,  only  six  months  old,  larger 
than  a  yearling.  Judge  Gary's  was  but  about  four  months  old, 
and  quite  as  large  as  the  common  yearlings.  Indeed,  most  of 
the  young  cattle  were  Highly  creditable  to  the  county  —  and 
this  fact  is  the  strongest  and  most  conclusive  comment  on  the 
utility  of  the  Society. 

Hezekiah  Brown  exhibited  a  lot  of  pigs,  which  attracted  the 
attention  of  every  eye.  They  were  a  pleasing  sight,  consist- 
ing of  a  sow   with  two  litters   of   pigs,   nine  in   each  litter, 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  5 

all  looking  so  exactly  alike  that  it  was  impossible  to  dis- 
tinguish them.  The  first  nine  were  but  six  months,  and  tlie 
others  two  weeks  old.  Good  judges  give  it  as  their  opinion 
that  the  nine  eldest  would  average  one  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds  each.  We  know  of  no  better  way  of  getting  at  the 
interest  which  this  group  excited  than  to  state  the  fact  that 
Mr.  Brown  was  twice  offered,  and  refused  one  hundi'ed  dollars 
for  them. 

General  German  exhibited  a  fine  healthy  shoat,  which  had 
gained  one  pound  a  day  since  its  birth. 

Among  the  vegetable  productions,  three  mammoth  squashes 
were  exhibited.  Two  of  which,  the  one  weighing  seventy  and 
the  other  seventy-two  pounds,  were  raised  by  Stephen  Hopkins, 
the  third  one,  we  believe,  was  raised  in  liiew  Berlin. 

A  beautiful  water-melon  weighing  twenty-one  and  one-half 
pounds  was  exhibited  by  Asa  Pellett. 

Chester  Hammond,  of  Smyrna,  exhibited  a  number  of  the 
celebrated  Ruta  Baga  or  Swedish  turnips,  weighing  from 
nine  to  ten  pounds  each.  —  Mr.  H.  is  cultivating  an  acre  of 
this  valuable  root,  which  promises  to  yield  a  large  and  excellent 
crop. 

It  would  be  great  injustice  to  omit  the  mention  of  some 
articles  of  domestic  manufacture.  The  woolen  cloth  exhibited 
by  Mrs.  Brown  ;  the  shirting  by  Mrs.  Bennet,  and  the  table 
linen  by  Miss  Garnsey,  both  for  beauty  and  value  would  do 
no  discredit   to  a  Manchester   or   Birmingham  manufactory. 

The  woolen  cloth  of  Thomas  Brown,  the  pressed  flannel  of 
Mrs.  Ransford,  and  the  table  linen  of  Mrs.  ISTorth  were  all  val- 
uable specimens  of  industry  and  genius.  The  Yiewing  Com- 
mittee spoke  in  the  most  flattering  terms  of  the  success  of 
manufacturing  candidates. 

The  Marshal  of  the  day.  Col.  Pike,  is  entitled  to  much 
praise  for  the  interest  he  manifested  in  rendering  the  proces- 
sion and  other  ceremonies  appropriate  and  pleasing. 

The  liberality  of  Mr.  Steere  merits  particular  notice.  This 
gentleman  went  to  the  voluntary  expense  of  fitting  up  the 
pens  and  yards.  —  He  also  prepared  an  excellent  dinner  for 
the  Society  each  day,  only  requiring  thirty  cents  per  meal. 


6  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

IV  e  are  all  well  assured  that  the  most  sanguine  expectations 
of  the  warmest  friends  of  the  institution  were  more  than  real- 
ized. For  the  first,  its  essay  was  brilliant  beyond  all  calcula- 
tion. —  The  friends  of  the  Society  were  strengthened,  the 
wavering  confirmed,  the  skeptic  converted,  and  its  enemies,  if 
indeed  it  had  any,  abashed  and  confounded.  It  is  Avith  the 
most  heartfelt  satisfaction  we  state  that  it  received  an  acces- 
sion of  eighty  new  members  during  the  days  of  the  Fair. 

"When  one  looks  forward  to  the  boundless  benefits  which  are 
to  flow  from  this  most  exalted  institution,  he  is  lost  in  ecstacies  ; 
and  while  his  view  is  extending  over  this  wide-spreading 
scene  of  joy  and  usefulness,  every  other  object  cowers  into 
insignificance. 

Farmers  of  Chenango,  the  field  of  plenty  and  abundance 
invites  you  to  its  bosom  —  the  storehouse  of  virtue  and  happi- 
ness is  extended  to  your  reach  —  the  path  of  glory  is  budding 
and  blossoming  under  your  feet  —  pursue  it  with  diligence 
and  zeal  —  peace  and  content  will  accompany  you  to  the  verge 
of  this  world,  when  you  will  go  down  to  the  grave  as  a  shock 
of  corn  "  fully  ripe  "  but  at  the  heavenly  harvest  a  germ  will 
ascend  upward  to  the  presence  of  our  God,  ripen  into  perfec- 
tion, and  be  inducted  to  the  ambrosial  arbors  of  paradise. 


"  MY  FIEST  SALMON." 

A.   D.    1810. 


THTJKLOW  WEED  S  CAPTURE    OF    A    SALMON  W^HEN  A  BOY. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  JST.  Y.  TriUme : 

Sir  :  Mr.  Dawson  of  the  Albany  Evening  Journal^  who, 
accompanied  by  Collector  Arthur,  an  equally  enthusiastic  ang- 
ler, has  just  returned  from  a  salmon  fishing  excursion  upon  a 
Nova  Scotia  river  high  up  in  the  Northern  latitudes,  is  giving 


Akticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.         .  7 

the  readers  of  that  journal,  letters  wliich  enable  them  to  share 
imaginatively  in  the  toils  and  the  rewards  of  a  most  interesting 
expedition.  Mr.  Dawson's  reputation  for  trout  fishing  was 
well  established,  but  this  was  his  first  visit  to  rivers  in  which 
the  salmon  "  most  do  congregate."  Gen.  Arthur,  I  believe, 
had  been  a  fisher  of  salmon  on  former  occasions.  I  cannot 
err,  I  think,  in  saying  that  Mr.  Dawson's  vivid  and  glowing- 
description  of  the  capture  of  his  "  first  salmon "  is  quite 
worthy  of  a  place  in  the  columns. of  the  Tribune. 

The  slight  twitch  I  felt  as  the  fly  slipped  from  the  mouth  of 
the  fish  operated  like  the  sound  of  a  trumpet.  Every  nerve 
tingled,  and  the  blood  leaped  through  my  veins  as  if  every 
drop  was  an  electric  battery.  In  a  very  few  moments,  how- 
ever, I  was  myself  again.  I  had  marked  the  spot  where  the 
fish  had  risen,  had  gathered  up  my  line  for  another  cast,  had 
dropped  the  fiy,  like  a  snowfiake,  just  where  I  desired  it  to 
rest,  when,  like  a  flash,  the  same  enormous  head  appeared,  the 
same  open  jaws  revealed  themselves,  a  swirl  and  a  leap  and  a 
strike  followed,  and  my  first  salmon  was  hooked  with  a  thud, 
which  told  me  as  plainly  as  if  the  operation  had  transpired 
within  the  range  of  my  vision,  that  if  I  lost  him  it  would  be 
my  own  fault.  When  thus  assured,  there  was  excitement  but 
no  flurry.  My  nerves  thrilled,  and  every  muscle  assumed  the 
tension  of  well-tempered  steel,  but  I  realized  the  full  sublimity 
of  the  occasion,  and  a  sort  of  majestic  calmness  took  the  place 
of  the  stupid  inaction  which  followed  the  first  apparition.  My 
untested  rod  bent  under  the  pressure  in  a  graceful  curve  ;  my 
reel  clicked  out  a  livelier  melody  than  ever  emanated  from 
harp  or  hautboy  as  the  astonished  fish  made  his  first  dash  ;  the 
tensioned  line  emitted  seolian  music  as  it  stretched  and  stiff- 
ened under  the  strain  to  which  it  was  subjected,  and  for  fifty 
minutes  there  was  such  giving  and  taking,  such  sulking  and 
rushing,  such  leaping  and  tearing,  such  hoping  and  fearing,  as 
would  have  "  injected  life  into  the  ribs  of  death  ;  "  made  an 
anchorite  dance  in  very  ecstacy,  and  caused  any  true  angler  to 
believe  that  his  heart  was  a  kettle  drum,  every  sinew  a  jews- 
harp,  and  the  whole  framework  of  his  excited  nerves  a  full 
band  of  music.  And  during  all  this  time  my  canoe  rendered 
eflicient  service  in  keeping  even  pace  with  the  eccentric  move- 
ments of  the  struggling  lish.  "  Hold  him  head  up,  if  possi- 
ble," was  the  counsel  given  me,  and  "  make  him  work  for 
every  inch  of  line."  Whether,  therefore,  he  took  fifty  yards 
or  a  foot,  I  tried  to  make  hiin  pull  for  it,"  and  then  to  regain 
whatever  was  taken  as  soon  as  possible.  The  result  was  an  in- 
cessant clicking  of  the  reel,  either  in  paying  out  or  in  taking 


8  Selections  fkom  the  ISTewspapee 

in,  with  an  occasional  iluny  and  leap  which  could  have  been 
no  more  prevented  than  the  onrushing  of  a  locomotive.  Any 
attempt  to  have  suddenly  checked  him  by  making  adequate 
resistance,  would  have  made  leader,  line  or  rod  a  wreck  in  an 
instant.  All  that  it  was  proper  or  safe  to  do  was  to  give  to 
each  just  the  amount  of  strain  and  pressure  it  could  bear  with 
safety  —  not  an  ounce  more  nor  an  ounce  less ;  and  I  believe 
that  I  measured  the  pressure  so  exactly  that  the  strain  upon 
my  rod  did  not  vary  Kalf  an  ounce  from  the  first  to  the  last  of 
the  struggle. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  fight,  when  it  was  evident  that  the 
"  j^&  ^^®  ^^P  "  ^^^  I  f®^^  myseK  master  of  the  situation,  I 
took  my  stand  upon  a  projecting  point  in  the  river,  where  the 
water  was  shallow  and  where  the  most  favorable  opportunity 
possible  was  afforded  the  gaffer  to  give  the  struggling  fish  the 
final  death  thrust,  and  so  end  the  battle.  It  was  skillfully 
done.  The  first  plunge  of  the  gaff  brought  him  to  the  green 
sward,  and  there  lay  out  before  me,  in  all  his  silver  beauty  and 
magnificent  proportions,  my  first  sahnon.  He  weighed  thirty 
pounds,  plump  ;  measured  nearly  four  feet  in  length  ;  was  killed 
m  fifty  minutes,  and  afforded  me  more  pleasure  than  any  event 
since  —  well,  say  since  Lee  surrendered.  It  is  said  that  when 
the  good  old  Dr.  Bethune  landed  his  first  salmon,  "  he  caressed 
it  as  fondly  as  he  ever  caressed  his  first  born."  I  could  only 
stand  over  mine  in  speechless  admiration  and  delight — pant- 
ing with  fatigue,  trembling  in  very  ecstacy,  and  exclaiming 
with  good  old  Sir  Izaak  :  "  As  Dr.  Boteler  said  of  strawber- 
ries, '  Doubtless  God  could  have  made  a  better  berry,  but 
doubtless  God  never  did ; '  and  so,  if  I  may  judge,  God  never 
did  make  a  more  calm,  quiet,  innocent  recreation  than  angling." 

This  victory  was  a  surfeit  for  the  morning.  With  other  fish 
in  full  view,  ready  to  give  me  a  repetition  of  the  grand  sport 
I  had  already  experienced,  I  made  no  other  cast,  and  retired 
perfectly  contented.  The  beautiful  fish  was  laid  down  lov- 
ingly in  the  bottom  of  the  canoe  and  borne  in  triumph  to 
camp,  where  fish  and  fisher  were  given  such  hearty  welcome 
amid  such  hilarious  enthusiasm  as  was  befitting  "  the  cause  and 
the  occasion." 

"  In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  I  killed  a  twenty- three 
pound  salmon  in  the  same  pool  in  twenty  minutes  —  having,  I 
was  sorry  to  learn  on  getting  back  to  camp,  monopolized  the 
luck  of  the  day,  no  other  member  of  the  party  having  had  so 
much  as  a  rise." 

I  had  no  thought  of  adding  a  word  to  the  foregoing,  but  it 
has  reminded  me  of  the  killing  of  my  "  first  salmon,"  an 
account  of  which,  though  it  will  be  but  a  tame  affair  after  read- 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  9 

ing   Mr.  Dawson's  thrilling  extract,  maj  be  found  to  possess 
some  historical  interest. 

In  the  Spring  of  I8IO5  with  two  other  boys,  I  was  walking 
of  a  pleasant  evening  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Onondaga  Creek, 
a  mile  and  a  half  south  of  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Syra- 
cuse, then  a  tangled  swamp,  inhabited  mainly  by  frogs,  watei"- 
snakes,  and  owls.  Upon  the  creek  stood  Wood's  mill,  below 
which  for  several  rods  were  rifts.  Our  attention  and  sur^Drise 
were  excited  by  seeing  bright  lights  moving,  as  we  supposed, 
along  the  banks  of  the  creek.  On  approaching,  however,  we 
discovered  Onondaga  Indians  with  pine  knot  torches  and  clubs 
killing  salmon,  whose  fins  and  backs  were  seen  as  they  were 
ascending  the  creek  in  shallow  water  over  the  rifts.  The  Indi- 
ans good  naturedly  lent  us  clubs  and  gave  us  the  benefit  of 
their  torches,  until  each  had  captured  a  salmon,  with  which  we 
departed  for  our  homes  in  jubilant  spirits.  Most  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Syracuse  will  find  it  hard  to  believe  that  salmon 
were  ever  taken  south  of  that  city.  And  yet  such  is  the  fact? 
for  which  my  friend  Philo  D.  Mickels,  recently  deceased,  would 
have  vouched,  as  he  was  one  of  my  companions  on  that  occa- 
sion. T.  W. 

]^EW  ToRK,  August  22,  1874. 


ONOOT)AGA  EEMmiSCEI^CES. 
A.  D.  1812. 

[Prom  the  Syracuse  Journal.] 


TWO  LETTERS    EROM    THURLOW  WEED OLD    TIMES    EST    ONOKDAGA 

COUNTY. 

The  following  letters,  written  by  Hon.  Thurlow  Weed  to 
Hon.  Lewis  T.  Redfield,  of  this  city,  contain  several  reminis- 
cences which  will  interest  many  readers  : 

JSTew  York,  April  26,  18T4. 
Dear  Mr.  Redfield — I  thank  you  for  sending  me  the  obitu- 
ary notices  of  my  old  friend  Mickels,  who  was,  I  think,  the  last 
2 


10  Selections  from  the  I^ewspapee 

survivor  of  mj  early  Onondaga  acquaintances.  I  worked  in 
Miclvels'  farnace  when  cannon-balls  were  being  cast  for  the 
Government  in  1812.  The  "old  Dinah"  who  attended  Mr. 
Mickels'  funeral,  was  not,  as  described  in  the  obituary,  a 
"  squaw,"  but  an  unmistakable  African  slave.  "  Dinah"  was 
Mr.  Mickels'  cook.  Some  twenty  furnace  men  were  regaled 
regularly  at  a  long  table,  in  a  longer  kitchen,  with  fried  fat 
pork  for  breakfast,  boiled  fat  pork  for  dinner,  with  mush  and 
milk  for  supper.  "  Dinah"  officiated  as  cook  and  waitress. 
Although  sixty  years  have  passed,  I  have  a  distinct  remem- 
brance of  her  shining  black  face,  her  thick  lips  and  woolly 
head. 

It  was  said,  with  how  much  truth  I  cannot  say,  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  IN^avy  ordered  Captain  Woolsey,  with  the 
United  States  brig  Oneida,  to  proceed  through  Oswego  river  to 
Onondaga  lake  to  receive  the  shot  made  for  the  Government 
from  Mickels'  furnace. 

Yery  truly  yours, 

Thuelow  Weed. 

This  was  literally  true.  Judge  Forman  showed  me  at  the 
time  the  letter  of  Secretary  Armstrong,  notifying  the  Judge 
that  he  had  given  such  an  order.  It  was  noticed  in  many 
papers  of  the  day,  and  created  much  mirth  at  the  expense  of 
the  worthy  Secretary  of  War.  L.  T.  R. 

New  Toek,  Deo.  17,  187-1. 

My  Deae  Sie  —  Your  long  and  interesting  letter,  together 
with  a  copy  of  the  Lynx  came  by  the  same  mail,  and  were  most 
welcome.  I  remember  Capt.  Thadcleus  Patchin,  the  worthy 
blacksmith,  who  lived  about  midway  between  Adams'  stage 
house  and  Hawley's  store.  He  used  to  come,  with  his  leather 
apron,  to  the  Lynx  office,  on  publication  days,  and  wait  for  an 
early  copy. 

I  remember  all  the  old  inhabitants  named  in  your  letter.  I 
remember  also  an  exciting  interview  between  Mr.  Fay  and 
Reuben  Humphrey,  on  his  way  back  from  Albany,  when  Gov. 
Tompkins  prorogued  the  Legislature.  The  Senator  warmly 
denounced  the  Governor,  while  Mr.  Fay  with  equal  warmth, 
but  with  harder  words,  defended  the  prorogation. 


Akticdes  of  Thuklow  Weed.  11 

The  late  Oliver  R.  Strong  then  lived  on  the  West  Hill,  and 
was  constable  of  the  town  of  Onondaga. 

I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  a  copy  of  the  Lynx,  which, 
after  I  have  looked  it  carefully  over,  shall  be  returned  to  you, 
even  if  I  fail  to  get  another.  I  intend  to  give  my  file  of  the 
Onondaga  {Manlius)  JRepublican  to  your  Historical  Associa- 
tion. 

Yery  truly  yours, 

Thurlow  Weed. 


NEWSPAPER  REMINISCENCES. 

A.  D.  1812-1818. 


THE  LATE  AZARIAH  C.  ELAGG  AND  THE  EARLY  NEWSPAPER  PRESS. 
A  TRIBUTE  BY  THURLOW  WEED. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  ]V.  Y.  Trihune  : 

Sir  :  Mayor  Havemeyer's  comprehensive,  appropriate  and 
very  just  tribute  to  the  character  and  services  of  Mr.  Flagg, 
turned  my  thoughts  back  to  the  period  of  his  usefulness,  and 
to  the  men  with  whom  he  was  associated  in  the  public  service, 
nearly  all  of  whom  preceded  him  to  their  final  rest.  Of  the 
members  of  the  Legislature  of  1823,  in  which  Mr.  Flagg  first 
served,  Samuel  L.  Edwards  of  Onondaga  county  is,  I  believe, 
the  only  survivor.  Of  the  more  memorable  Legislature  of 
1824  there  are  three  surviving  members  of  the  Assembly,  and 
one,  of  the  Senate.  That  Senator,  the  Hon.  Heman  J.  Red- 
field  of  Batavia,  now  84  or  85  years  of  age,  but  in  good  health 
and  with  unimpaired  faculties,  attended  the  funeral  of  Mr.  Flagg, 
his  early  and  lifelong  political  and  personal  friend.  Mr.  Red- 
field  was  Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York  while  Mr.  Flagg 
was  its  City  Comptroller.  Among  the  statesmen  with  whom 
Mr.  Flagg  affiliated  more  closely  than  with  his  other  contempo- 
raries was  Michael  Hofi'man. 

Two  of  the  three  surviving  members  of  the  Assembly  of 
1824  were,  like  Mr.  Flagg,  printers.     It  singularly  happened 


12  Selections  feom  the  I^ewspaper 

that  four  printers  and  editors  of  newspapers  were  elected  to 
that  House  of  Assembly,  viz. :  Mr.  Flagg  of  The  Plattsburg 
Republican^  John  F.  Hubbard  of  The  Norwich  Journal.  Oran 
FoUett  of  The  Batavia  Advocate,  and  Isaac  Riggs  of  The 
Schenectady  Cabinet,  the  three  first  belonging  to  the  "  Buck- 
tail,"  and  the  latter  to  the  "  Clintonian  "  party.  Mr.  Hubbard 
still  resides  at  ^Norwich,  where  I  visited  him  two  years  ago. 
Mr.  Follett  is  a  resident  of  Sandusky,  Ohio.  Gen.  Christo- 
pher P.  Bellinger,  of  Herkimer,  is  the  other  surviving  member. 
I  attended  the  three  sessions  of  that  Legislature  by  which 
Presidential  Electors  were  chosen,  as  an  ardent  supporter  of 
John  Quincy  Adams,  becoming  not  only  acquainted,  but  inti- 
mate, through  all  subsequent  years,  with  its  distinguished 
members.  James  Talbnadge  and  Henry  "Wheaton  were  elo- 
quent and  impressive  in  debate.  Mr.  Flagg  was  clear  and 
forcible  as  a  speaker,  and  influential  in  council.  James  Mul- 
lett,  though  seldom  taking  part  in  debate,  was  earnest  and 
eloquent.  He  closed  his  useful  life  as  Judge  of  the  Eighth 
Circuit,  leaving  the  ermine  which  graced  his  shoulders,  all  the 
brighter  for  having  been  worn  by  a  man  of  judicial  wisdom 
and  integrity. 

Those  now  connected  with  the  newspaper  press  will  per- 
haps be  interested  in  comparing  its  condition  when  Mr.  Flagg 
entered  the  field,  with  the  present  state  of  journalism.  In 
1812,  about  the  time  that  Mr.  Flagg  established  The  Platts- 
burg Republican,  I  was  an  apprentice  in  the  olfice  of  The 
Lynx  at  Onondaga  Hollow.  We  received  in  "  exchange " 
nearly  all  the  newspapers  published  in  this  State,  each  of  which, 
in  complexion  and  typography,  was  as  familiar  as  the  faces  of 
many  intimate  friends.  I  kept  files  of  them,  some  of  which  are 
still  in  my  possession.  In  this  city,  The  Gazette,  published  by 
Lang  <&,  Turner,  and  The  Mercantile  Adiiertiser,  by  Mr.  But- 
ler, comprised  the  list  of  morning  daily  papers  ;  while  The  Com- 
mercial Advertiser,  The  Evening  Post,  and  The  Columbian, 
completed  the  list  of  evening  journals.  Of  these,  all  but  the 
Columbian  were  Federal  papers.  A  son  of  Mr.  Holt,  editor 
and  publisher  of  The  Columbian,  now  residing  in  Brooklyn, 
so  strongly  resembles  his  father  in  form,  face,  and  manner, 
that  I  never  see   the  former  without  being  startled  with  the 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  13 

impression  that  the  one  who  has  been  dead  nearly  half  a  cen- 
tury stands  before  me. 

There  was  no  newspaper  then  published  either  on  Long 
Island  or  in  Westchester  county.  The  Orange  County 
Patriot^  then  published  at  Goshen,  was  printed  on  a  sheet  as 
yellow  as  the  bills  of  what  was  then  known  as  the  "  Butter 
Bank."  There  was  a  paper  at  ISTewburo;,  published  by  Ward 
M.  Gazly.  The  Journal  ( Federal )  and  a  Eepublican  paper, 
the  name  of  which  I  cannot  remember,  were  published  at 
Poughkeepsie.  The  Pleheian  was  published  at  Kingston  by 
Jesse  Buel,  who,  in  1814,  established  The  Albany  Argtis.  The 
Recorder,  by  Mackay  Croswell  ( father  of  Edwin  Croswell), 
was  published  at  Catskill.  The  Bee,  a  Republican  paper,  was 
published  at  Hudson,  Its  Federal  rival.  The  Balance,  by 
Harry  Croswell,  had  recently  been  discontinued.  The  Register, 
by  Solomon  Southwick,  and  The  Gazette,  by  Websters  & 
Skinners,  were  organs,  respectively,  of  the  Federal  and  Repub- 
lican parties.  Rensselaer  county  had  two  newspapers.  The 
Northern  Budget  (Republican),  by  Francis  Adincourt,  at 
Troy,  and  The  Gazette  (Federal ),  by  Tracy  &  Bliss,  at  Lansing- 
burgh.  There  was  a  Republican  paper  at  Ballston  Spa,  whose 
mineral  spring  attracted  a  few  visitors  in  the  Summer  season. 
Saratoga  and  its  healthy  and  delicious  Congress  spring  water 
was  then  of  little  or  no  account.  There  was  a  Federal  paper 
published  at  Salem,  Washington  Co.  At  Johnstown,  Montgom- 
ery Co.,  there  was  a  Federal  and  a  Republican  paper.  The 
American  was  published  at  Herkimer  by  Henry  Prentiss,  who 
was  succeeded,  in  1813,  by  the  late  William  L.  Stone,  who  was 
subsequently  distinguished  as  editor  of  Tfie  Hudson  Whig, 
The  Hartford  Mirror,  The  Albany  Daily  Advertiser,  and 
finally,  until  the  close  of  his  life,  of  The  New  York  Commercial 
Advertiser.  The  Otsego  Herald,  by  Judge  Phinney,  and  The 
Federalist,  by  Col.  J.  H.  Prentiss,  were  published  at  Coopers- 
town.  I  believe  that  the  late  James  Percival  then  published 
a  paper  in  Chenango  Co.  At  Utiea,  The  Columbian  Gazette, 
by  Thomas  Walker,  and  The  Utica  Herald,  by  Ira  Merrill^ 
were  published.  In  the  counties  north  of  Oneida  there  were 
no  newspapers.  At  Cazenovia,  Oran  E.  Baker  published  The 
Pilot.     At  Manlius,  Onondaga  county,  Leonard  Kellogg  pub- 


14  Selections  from  the  1*^ewspapee 

lislied  The  Times,  while  at  Onondaga  Hollow  Thomas  Chitten- 
den Fay  published  The  Lynx^the  former  intensely  Federal  and 
the  latter  vehemently  Republican.  The  Lynx,  established  in 
1811,  collapsed  in  1812.  That  publication  was  succeeded  in 
ISll  by  The  Onondaga  Register,  with  the  now  venerable 
Lewis  H.  Redlield,  who  has  just  completed  his  80th  year,  as 
proprietor  and  editor.  The  now  large,  enterprising  and  intel- 
ligent City  of  Syracuse  had  then  no  existence  in  name  or  in 
fact.  There  was.a  waspish  Federal  paper  published  at  Auburn 
by  H.  and  J.  H.  Pace.  Eoyal  T.  Chamberlain  established 
The  Tocsin,  a  Republican  paper,  at  Spring  Mills,  Caynga 
County,  in  the  Summer  of  1812.  The  Gazette,  a  Federal 
paper,  was  published  at  Geneva  by  James  Bogart.  The  Hej^osi- 
tory  (Federal ),  by  James  D.  Bemis,  and  The  Messenger  (Re- 
publican), by  John  A.  Stevens,  were  published  at  Canandaigua 
The  late  John  C.  Spencer,  then  a  young  lawyer  of  Canandai- 
gua, wrote  all  the  editorials  for  The  Messenger.  There  was  a 
paper  at  Batavia,  The  Cornucojoia,  bnt  whether  published  by 
Mr.  Blodget  or  Mr.  Seaver  ( father  of  my  friend  William  A. 
Seaver  of  the  Adriatic  Insnrance  Company,  who  does  the 
"  Drawer  "  and  the  "  Personals  "  for  Harpers'  periodicals),  I 
cannot  remember.  The  brothers  Salisbury  published  a  .Fede- 
ral paper  at  Buffalo.  The  cities  and  villages  of  Rochester. 
Waterloo,  Palmyra,  Lyons,  Albion,  Lockport,  etc.,  were  not 
then  even  dreamed  of ;  nor  had  the  counties  of  Oswego, 
Wayne,  Monroe,  Orleans,  ITiagara,  Chautauqua,  Cattaraugus, 
Livingston,  Tompkins,  Chemung,  Yates,  or  Schuyler,  been 
erected.  The  above  list  comprises  all  or  nearly  all  of  the 
newspapers  published  in  ISTew  York  sixty-one  years  ago.  They 
were  circulated  through  the  sparsely  populated  towns  in  the 
various  counties  by  post-riders,  who  received  in  their  one-horse 
wagons  quarterly  or  half-yearly  agricnltnral  products  in  pay- 
ment. 

Pictorial  embellishments  were  then  in  their  rudest  infancy. 
The  spelling-book  was  illnstrated  by  a  "  Rnde  Boy  Stealing 
Apples,"  a  fox  looking  philosophically  at  bunches  of  "  Grapes  " 
which  were  supposed  to  be  "sour"  because  they  were  beyond 
his  reach,  and  a  suspicious  rat  looking  at  a  meal  tub  nnder 
which  Grimalkin  was  concealed.     The  newspapers  w^ere  still 


Akticles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  15 

more  scantily  supplied  with  illustrations.  For  many  years 
they  contained  a  standing  advertisement,  extolling  the  virtues 
of  Dr.  Somebody's  "Vegetable  Detergent,"  a  sovereign  remedy 
for  consumption,  graced  with  a  sorry  looking  "  Good  Samari- 
tan." The  ISTew  York  City  papers  contained  for  several  years 
an  advertisement  of  Dr.  Home,  to  which  attention  was 
attracted  by  a  pestle  and  mortar,  in  which  his  infallible  reme- 
dies were  compounded.  Runaway  apprentices  and  slaves  were 
expected  to  be  identified  by  a  small  cut  representing  the  fugi- 
tive in  full  retreat,  with  a  stick,  to  which  was  attached  a  hand- 
kerchief containing  his  scanty  wardrobe,  over  his  shoulder. 
These,  with  small  cuts  of  ships  and  houses  for  such  advertise- 
ments, then  constituted  the  whole  pictorial  stock  in  trade  of 
the  newspaper  j^ress. 

There  were  no  periodical  publications  in  the  State  in  1812. 
IS^or  do  I  remember  a  literary  or  miscellaneous  magazine 
except  The  Museum^  j^ublished  in  this  city  by  James  Oram. 
A  republication  of  The  Ed'inljurgh  and  other  Quarterly  Ee- 
A'iews  by  Kirk  &  Mercian,  commenced  in  this  city  soon  after 
the  war  of  1812.  There  were  then  but  few  book  printers, 
and  they  were  mostly  employed  in  the  publication  of  Dil- 
worth's  and  Webster's  Spelling  Books,  The  Columbian  Orator, 
Beauties  oJ^'  the  Bible,  English  Eeader  and  othel*  standard  or 
popular  school  books.  I  was  personally  acquainted  with 
almost  all  the  editors  of  the  journals  I  have  named,  and  worked 
as  an  apprentice  or  journeyman,  between  the  years  1808  and 
1818j  in  the  ofiices  of  The  Catshill  Recorder,  The  Albany 
Register  and  Gazette,  The  IleTkimer  American,  The  Otsego 
Herald,  The  Coojperstown  Federalist,  The  Columhian  Gazette, 
The  Cazenovia  Pilot,  The  Manlius  Times,  The  Onondaga 
Lynx,  The  Cayuga  Patriot  {or  Rej)id)lican),  The  Cayuga  Toc- 
sin and  7'he  Ontario  Repository.  Of  the  names  of  the 
newspapers  I  have  mentioned  the  following  only  remain 
unchanged :  The  New  York  Commercicd  Advertiser  and 
The  Evening  Post,  The  Catskill  Recorder,  and  The  North- 
ern Budget.  Of  their  publishers  and  editors,  Mr.  Flagg 
was  the  last  survivor.  Mr.  Keclfield  now  becomes  Father  of 
the  I^ewspaper  Press  of  our  State.  I  might  perhaps  technically 
claim  seniority,  for  when  in  September,  1812,  the  proprietor  of 


16  Selections  from  the  Kewspapee 

The  Lynx  abruptly  departed  for  parts  unknown,  the  paper 
(half  sheet)  was  continued  for  a  month  —  so  that  several  mort- 
gage advertisements  might  run  out  —  with  my  name  at  the 
head  of  its  lirst  column  as  printer  and  publisher. 

Clark's  History  of  Onon'daga  County,  speaking  of  the  es- 
tablishment of  The  Lynx,  says  : 

It  was  in  this  office  that  the  editor  of  The  Albany  Evening 
Journal  made  his  debut  in  the  art  of  -  arts.  Mr.  Weed,  in  the 
short  space  of  twenty  months,  became  devil,  printer,  journey- 
man, editor  and  proprietor  of  the  memorable  Lynx. 

I  did  not,  however,  become  the  actual  publisher  and  editor 
of  a  paper  until  1818.  Although  I  have  files  of  the  journals 
with  which  I  was  connected  for  more  than  half  a  century.  The 
Lynx  is  not  among  them.  I  should  greatly  like  therefore  to 
exchange  a  $10  greenback  for  a  copy  of  that  paper,  and  shall 
feel  obliged  to  the  Syracuse  journals  if  they  will  say  so,  that 
peradventure  a  copy  may  turn  up  among  the  old  settlers  of 
the  county.  '  T.  W. 

I^Ew  YoEK,  Dec.  3,  1873. 


A  YETERAK  LEGISLATOR. 

[From  the  New  York  Daily  Tribune,  March  "i,  1874.] 


THUELOW   WEED  S    DISCOVERT A    LETTER    FROM    THE    HON.    S.   G. 

THROOP,    A    MEMBER    OF     THE    ASSEMBLY     EN"     1818 REMINIS- 
CENCES   OF    THE    NOTED    LEGISLATORS    OF    THAT   TIME. 

To  the  Editor  of  The  N.  Y.  Tribune. 

Sir  :  Even  at  the  risk  of  wearying  your  readers  in  the  pursuit 
of  the  oldest  surviving  member  of  the  ]N"ew  York  Legislature, 
I  venture  to  ask  for  one  more  hearing.  As  anticipated  in  my 
last  communication,  a  legislative  "  Eip  Yan  "Winkle "  has 
"  turned  up  !  "  The  veteran,  as  will  be  seen  by  his  cordial  and 
kindly  letter,  has  long  been  a  resident  of  a  sister  State  : 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  17 

Stroudsburg-,  Penn.,  February  25,  1874. 

My  Old  Friend:  Happening  to  notice  in  the  Tribune  of 
February  21  a  controversy  between  yourself  and  E.  T.  Foote, 
of  ISTew  Haven,  as  to  the  "  oldest  living  members  of  the  ]^ew 
York  Legislature,"  I  thought  ~I  would  correct  you  both  by 
informing  you  of  what  you  will  readily  recollect  —  that  in  1817 
I  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Legislatm'e  from  Chenango 
county,  and  served  in  the  session  of  1818.  My  colleagues  were 
Perez  Randall,  of  ISTorwich,  and  Tilly  Lynch,  of  Sherburne,  both 
now  deceased.  In  your  paper  I  know  some  of  my  "  brilliant  " 
efforts  made  their  appearance.  I  was  then  twenty-six  or 
twenty-seven  years  of  age,  being  the  youngest  member  of  the 
House,  and  am  now  84  —  God  save  the  mark  ! 

I  have  not  had  the  pleasure  of  reading  your  interesting  letter 
of  reminiscences  of  the  ISTew  York  Legislature,  and  would  be 
pleased  to  have  you  send  me  a  copy  if  in  print.  I  have  written 
you  this  missive  for  the  sake  of  historical  accuracy,  and  not 
from  any  personal  ambition  for  notoriety. 

I  removed  to  this  county  some  seven  years  since,  from 
Honesdale,  Wayne  county,  and  was  shortly  afterward  appointed 
one  of  the  Judges  of  Monroe  county,  from  which  you  will  per- 
ceive I  still  retain  my  ancient  political  predilections.  I  will 
simply  add  that  it  gives  me  some  pleasure  to  assist  you  in 
unhorsing  your  rival  (Foote)  in  his  ambitious  pretensions  to 
distinction  in  longevity. 

Your  old  Chenango  friend, 
(  S.  G.  Throop. 

The  Hon.  Thurlow  Weed. 

Losing  sight  for  many  years  of  this  old  friend,  I  assumed 
that  he  had  journeyed  to  "  that  far  country  from  whose  bourne 
no  traveler  returns."  I  remember  Simon  Gager  Throop,  not 
only  as  a  member  of  the  Legislature  of  1818,  but  as  a  rising 
member  of  the  Chenango  bar,  residing  at  Oxford,  with  James 
Clapp  arid  Henry  Yanderlyn  as  professii)nal  cotemporaries,  all 
young  men  of  remarkable  ability.  Clapp  and  Throop  were 
popular  advocates,  Yanderlyn  sententious  and  epigrammatic. 
One  of  the  "  brilliant  efforts  "  referred  to  by  Mr.  Throop  was 
his  stirring  and  eloquent  apostrophe  in  the  Assembly  to  the 
portrait  of  Washington  suspended  behind  the  Speaker's  chair, 
invoking  the  spirit  of  "  the  Father  of  his  Country  "  to  impart 
his  wisdom  and  patriotism  for  their  guidance  in  reference  to 
the  important  measures  then  under  consideration.  That  apos- 
trophe, I  doubt  not,  is  remembered  by  my  friend  and  neighbor^ 
3 


18  Selections  fkom  the  IN'ewspapee 

Judge  Michael  Ulshoeffer,  who  was  also  a  member  of  the 
Assembly  in  1818,  and  with  whom  I  often  gossip  about  men 
and  things  in  the  olden  time. 

I  remember  also  in  the  Assembly  of  1820,  when  Mr.  Ulshoef- 
f er,  then  youthful  and  handsome,  had  made  an  animated  speech 
upon  the  impeachment  of  Judge  Yan  'Ness,,  Elisha  Williams 
in  reply,  after  complimenting  "  his  eloquent  young  friend  from 
ISTew  York,"  added,  that  "  when  Time,  with  its  mellowing 
influences,  shall  have  touched  and  tinged  his  graceful  whiskers 
and  clipped  the  wings  of  his  exuberant  imagination,  he  will 
learn,  if  not  to  construe  more  charitably,  at  least  to  accept  less 
readily,  unproven  accusations  against  eminent  citizens." 

The  Mr.  Randall  referred  to  as  a  colleague  of  Mr.  Throop, 
was  also  one  of  my  cherished  friends,  and  father  of  Samuel  S. 
Randall,  so  long  and  usefully  connected  with  our  public 
schools. 

The  letter  of  Dr.  Elial  T.  Foote,  in  yesterday's  Trihtcne, 
freshens  old  legislative  memories.  The  Assembly  of  1820  was 
indeed  distinguished  by  the  presence  of  an  unusually  large 
number  of  eminent  men.  I  doubt  whether  before  or  since,  as 
many  truly  gifted  men  have  been  seen  and  heard  in  that  hall. 
I  have  a  distinct  remembrance  of  the  impeachment  trial  of 
Judge  William  W.  Yan  ISTess.  I  listened  as  Dr.  T.  did,  with 
admiring  interest  to  Thomas  Addis  Emmett,  of  whose  character 
and  eloquence  I  entertained  a  high  opinion.  But  I  was  much 
more  intensely  interested  by  the  close  and  logical  argument 
and  the  impressive  eloquence  of  the  reply,  from  an  advocate  till 
then  unknown  to  me.  That  advocate  was  John  Duer,  whose 
hne  person,  courtly  manner,  clear  voice,  and  distinct  enuncia- 
tion took  the  House  by  surprise,  charming  its  attention  from 
the  beginning  to  the  end  of  his  great  speech.  Mr.  Duer  took 
his  position  near  the  north  fireplace,  leaning  his  shoulders  dur- 
ing most  of  the  time  against  a  map  suspended  on  the  wall. 
His  gesticulation  was  quiet  but  effective.  Al^le  as  was  the 
effort  of  Mr.  Emmett,  I  then  thought  and  think  yet  that  the 
speech  of  Mr.  Duer  was  still  more  able  and  certainly  more 
telhng.  T.  W. 

]^Ew  YoKK,  March  5,  1871. 


Akticles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  19 

HERKIMER  COUI^TY   CEInTTENKIAL  CELEBRA- 
TION. 

[From  the  Herkimer  Democrat  and  Gazette,  July  13,  1876.] 


The  following  interesting  letter  from  Hon.  Tbnrlow  Weed 
was  read  at  tlie*~recent  county  Centennial  Celebration : 

]N"ew  York,  Jxine  10,  1876. 

Gentlemen  :  For  an  invita|;ion  to  attend  the  centennial  cele- 
bration of  American  independence  iX  Herkimer,  please  accept 
my  thanks.  It  would  afford  me  great  pleasure  to  be  with  you, 
and  if  I  had  not  kindred  duties  to  discharge  here  I  should 
make  an  effort  to  revisit  scenes  with  which  I  was  familiar 
more  than  sixty  years  ago.  I  have  a  vivid  recoUeciion  of 
Herkimer  and  its  citizens,  and  these  remembrances  are  all 
pleasant  ones.  Its  then  quiet  but  prosperous  village  was 
located  in  a  broad,  fertile  valley,  and  was  surrounded  by  verdant 
and  picturesque  hills.  The  character  and  habits  of  the  inhab- 
itants were  primitive.  Of  "  progress  and  improvement "  noth- 
ing was  known.  There  were  then  no  patent  plowing,  mowing 
or  reaping  machines.  The  only  labor-saving  machine  I  remem- 
ber was  a  patent  wash-board,  introduced  by  the  late  distin- 
guished lawyer  and  philanthropist,  Alvan  Steward,  who  relied 
upon  the  sale  of  rights  to  pay  his  expenses  as  a  law  student  in 
the  office  of  Jabez  Fox.  Then  neither  canals,  railroads  nor  tel- 
egraphs had  been  thought  of.  Produce  and  merchandise  were 
moved  either  in  what  were  known  as  Pennsylvania  wagons 
with  six  horses,  or  by  Durham  boats,  propelled  upon  the 
Mohawk  river  by  setting  poles  at  the  rate  of  fifteen  or  twenty 
miles  a  day.  The  number  of  passengers  then  traveling  from 
Albany  westward  may  be  estimated  by  the  fact  that  all  were 
accommodated  in  ,a  daily  stage  wagon,  which  did  not  travel 
nights,  and  yet,  with  this  slowness  of  speed  everybody  was 
satisfied. 

In  one  respect,  a  visit  to  Herkimer  would  bring  sad  reflec- 
tions. Few,  if  any,  of  the  friends  whom  I  knew  in  1813 
would  be  there  to  greet  me.     I  am  not  sure  but  the  widely 


20  Selections  fkom  the  ]^ewspapeb 

known  and  greatly  respected  Francis  E.  Spinner  is  the  only- 
survivor  now  residing  at  Herkimer.  He  was  then  a  school 
boy,  whose  remarkable  intelligence  jvistified  anticipations  of  the 
life  of  usefulness  which  have  been  fully  realized.  The  vener- 
able George  Petrie,  then  a  clerk  in  the  store  of  Philo  M. 
Hackley,  is  now  a  resident  of  "Washington. 

The  citizens  of  Herkimer  were  a  harmonious  community.  I 
remember  no  discords  except  such  as  the  annual  elections  pro- 
duced, and  these  occasioned  no  permanent  ill-will.  The  elec- 
tion in  April,  1813,  was  an  Unusually  exciting  one.  Federal- 
ists had  for  several  years/ been  in  the  ascendancy,  but  on 
account  of  their  oppositioji  to  the  war  they  were  losing  ground. 
At  the  polls  an  angry  political  dispute  between  Philo  M. 
Hackley,  a  Federalist,  and  Aaron  Hackley,  a  Republican, 
devotedly  attached  brothers,  both  strong  athletic  men,  would 
have  culminated  in  a  personal  combat  but  for  the  prompt 
interposition  of  a  dozen  friends.  Later  in  the  day  a  political 
discussion  between  Colonel  Bellinger,  a  Pepublican,  and  Judge 
Weaver,  a  Federalist,  drew  a  crowd,  and  in  the  end  excited 
much  merriment.  As  the  disputants  grew  warm,  crimination 
and  epithets  were  exchanged.  To  the  judge's  accusation  of 
"  French  Jacobin,"  the  Colonel  retorted  that  of  "  British 
Tory."  In  his  exasperation  Judge  Weaver  raised  his  long 
walking  staff  menacingly,  when  friends  interposed  and  pre- 
vented a  combat.  These  old  gentlemen  were  neighbors  and 
friends,  owning  adjacent  farms  of  great  fertility  and  beauty, 
reaching  from  their  dwellings  to  the  river.  An  hour  after- 
ward they  shook  hands,  and  expressed  mutual  regrets  at  having 
lost  their  temper.  "  I  did  not  mind,"  said  Judge  Weaver, 
"  being  called  a  British  Tory,  but  you  ought  not  to  have  said 
that  I  rejoiced  when  Oxenburgh  was  taken.  I  couldn't  stand 
that." 

Michael  Hoffman,  who  became  distinguished  for  his  talents 
and  integrity  in  various  high  public  positions,  commenced  life 
at  Herkimer  in  1813  as  a  physician.  One  day's  experience, 
however,  disgusted  him  with  the  medical  profession.  Consid- 
ering the  time  given  to  the  study  of  that  profession  as  so  much 
labor  lost,  he  entered  himself  as  a  student  at  law,  and  when 
admitted  to  practice  no  one  doubted  that  his  second  choice 


Aeticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  21 

ought  to  have  been  his  first.  I  then  became  intimate  with  Mr. 
Hoffman,  and  although  in  1819  we  separated  politically,  our 
personal  relations  were  never  disturbed. 

I  worked  in  the  ofiice  of  the  Herkimer  American,  of  Avhich 
journal  William  L.  Stone  had  become  editor.  He  was  the  son 
of  a  Presbyterian  clergyman,  and  was  educated  in  the  Connec- 
ticut school  of  federalism.  He  was  an  easy,  fluent  writer,  and 
though  an  amiable  man,  could  not  tolerate  republicanism.  At 
first  he  was  annoyed  at  the  idea  of  having  a  Republican  in  his 
ofiice,  but  he  needed  my  services,  and  soon  became  my  friend, 
and  remained  so  through  life.  He  subsequently  became  editor 
of  the  Hudson  Whig,  Hartford  Mirror,  Albany  Daily  Adver- 
tiser and  jS^ew  York  Commercial  Advertiser,  always  dis- 
tinguished for  his  fidelity  to  principles,  his  inflexible  integrity 
and  the  purity  of  his  life. 

Theodore  S.  Faxton,  formerly  mayor  of  Utica,  who  now  in 
tlie  placid  evening  of  life  is  endearing  himself  to  that  city  by 
erecting  and  endowing  homes  and  hospitals,  was  then  a  stage 
driver,  sometimes  between  Utica  and  Herkimer,  and  at  others 
between  East  Canada  Creek  and  Herkimer,  always  stopping  at 
Wiii ting's  Tavern,  where  we  becain^e  intimate.  His  intelli: 
gence,  sobriety,  and  especially  his  desire  to  improve  his  very 
limited  education,  were  unmistakable  indications  of  the  for- 
tune and  fame  that  awaited  him. 

Stephen  Dexter,  for-  more  than  thirty  years  a  well-known, 
thrifty  and  much-respected  livery  stable  keeper  at  Saratoga 
Springs,  rose  from  a  stable  boy  at  Herkimer  to  the  dignity  of 
a  stage  driver  under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Faxton.  In  October, 
1814,  General  Haile's  brigade  of  militia  was  called  into  the 
service.  Although,  on  account  of  age,  not  subject  to  mili- 
tary duty,  I  offered  my  services  (against  the  remonstrances 
of  my  employer)  to  Captain  Bellino;er,  and  was  accepted  as  a 
volunteer.  I  had  served  two  short  campaigns  in  1813,  from 
TJtica,  and  on  account  of  such  experience  was  made  a  "  lunch 
corporal."  That,  however,  was  only  the  first  step,  for  on  our 
first  day's  march,  while  eating  our  dinner  ration  under  a  two- 
prong  pine  tree  in  the  town  of  Schuyler  (which  I  saw  standing 
forty  years  afterward),  Quarter-master  Greorge  Petrie  filled  the 


22  Selections  from  the  Newspapek 

measure  of  my  ambition  and  happiness  by  handing  me  a  war- 
rant, of  which  the  following  is  a  copy : 

To  Thuklow  Weed, ,  Greeting: 

We,  reposing  special  trust  and  confidence  in  your  patriotism, 
valor  and  good  conduct,  do  hereby  constitute  and  appoint  you 
quarter-master  sergeant  of  the  40th  Regiment,  IST.  Y.  S.  militia 
under  my  command, 

You  are,  therefore,  carefull}^  and  diligently  to  discharge  the 
duty  of  quarter-master  sergeant  of  said  regiment.  And  you 
are  required  strictly  to  obey  your  superior  officers,  and  all  ofii- 
cers  and  soldiers  under  your  command  are  hereby  required  to 
obey  you  as  such  quarter-master  sergeant,  for  which  this  shall 
be  yom-  sufiicient  warrant. 

Griven  under  my  hand  and  seal,  this  fifth  day  of  October, 
1814.  Majok  Jacob  P.  Webek, 

Commandant. 

This  promotion  was  a  surprise  and  a  gratification.  I  not 
only  discharged  the  duties  of  quarter-master's  sergeant  satisfac- 
torily, but  was,  during  a  part  of  the  campaign,  acting  sergeant 
major.  Colonel  Matthew  Myers,  a  fine  looking  officer  and 
accomplished  gentleman,  did  not  go  to  the  "  lines  "  with  us, 
the  command  of  the  regiment  for  that  season  devolving  upon 
Major  Weber,  who  did  not  take  kindly  to  the  service,  as  it  de- 
prived him  of  many  home  comforts.  The  deprivation  which 
he  most  regretted  was  the  loss  of  "  spoon  victuals."  -  On  one 
occasion,  when  the  British  fleet  appeared  off  the  mouth  of 
Sackett's  Harbor  and  the  troops  were  in  line  to  repel  the 
invaders,  the  major  said  to  me  :  "  I  don't  care  so  much  about 
myself,  but  if  any  thing  happens  to  me  my  wife  will  feel  so 
bad ;  but  you  tell  them  all  at  home  that  I  did  my  duty."  The 
major,  however,  after  three  months'  service,  was  mustered  out 
and  returned  to  his  pleasant  home.  I  believe  that  my  friend 
Dr.  Horace  Manly  of  Fairfield,  who  was  the  surgeon  of  our 
regiment,  is  still  living. 

But  I  will  not  weary  you  with  reminiscences  which,  how- 
ever pleasant  to  myself,  cannot  be  expected  to  possess  much 
interest  for  the  present  generation. 

Yery  truly  yours, 

Thuklow  Weed. 


Akticles  of  Thuklow  Weed,  23 

LETTEE  FROM  THUKLOW  WEED  —  INCIDENTS, 

1S18-1819. 


Wednesday,  March  6,  1872. 
To  the  Editors  of  the  Chenango  Telegraph  : 

I  am  reading  with  much  interest  the  vahiable  and  fascinating 
letters  in  your  Telegraph,\\viiiQn  by  my  old  and  cherished  friend, 
Samuel  S.  Randall.  These  reminiscences  bring  back  scenes, 
incidents,  and  personages  with  which  and  with  whom,  more 
than  fifty  years  ago,  I  was  associated.  These  localities  and 
individuals  return  after  an  interv^al  of  more  than  half  a  century 
with  a  distinctness  and  freshness  which  did  not  seem  possible. 
The  individuals,  the  dwelling-houses,  etc.,  etc.,  described  in 
'his  last  letter,  are  as  familiar  to  my  memory  as  they  were  to 
my  eye  and  ear  when  I  was  walking  and  talking  with  those 
who  now  rest  in  the  village  cemetery ;  for  of  all  the  adult 
acquaintances  then  residing  iu  that  part  of  the  village  referred 
to,  Benjamin  Chapman,  a  much  valued  friend,  as  far  as  I  can 
learn,  is  tjlie  only  survivor.  Mr.  Randall  himself,  now  in  his 
sixty-fourth  or  sixty-fifth  year,  was  then  a  bright  boy  of  ten  or 

"  eleven,  furnishing  unmistakable  promise  of  a  career  of  intel- 
lectual usefulness.  He  was  a  precocious  printer  and  editor.  I 
still  retain  a  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  he  printed  (with  his 
pen),  and  edited  in  1819.     Mr^  Randall's  father  (Perez  Ran- 

,dall)  was  the  village  JPostmaster,  and  in  1818,  a  member  of 
the  Legislature.  -  Although  a  political  opponent,  Perez  Ran- 
dall was  my  warm  personal  friend.  Mr.  Randall  resided  with 
his  father-in-law,  Mr.  Edmunds,  who  charged  himself  especially 
with  the  guardianship  of  his  youthful  grandson,  S.  S.  Randall. 
I  was  amused  in  observing  that,  growing  up  as  he  did  under 
the  immediate  eye  and  care  of  his  father  and  grandfather,  the 
youth  accepted  the  political  teachings  of  the  latter.  Party 
feeling  between  "  Bucktails  "  and  "  Clintonians  "  was  intense 
and  exciting.  Mr.  Randall  was  a  "  Bucktail "  and  Mr. 
Edmunds  a  "  Clintonian."  I  was  then  much  attached  to  the 
boy  Randall,  who,  some  twenty  years  afterward,  it  was  my 


24  Selections  from  the  IS^ewspapee 

privilege  and  pleasure  to  suggest  as  State  Superintendent  of 
common  schools,  to  which  office  he  was  elected  with  great 
unanimity  by  the  Legislature,  and  in  which  he  served  usefully 
and  honorably  until  he  was  superseded  by  Mr.  Rice  through  a 
secret  organization  of  "  Choctaw  Know-Xothings."  The  secret 
was  so  well  kept  that  up  to  the  hour  that  Mr.  Rice  received  a 
Legislative  caucus  nomination  it  was  not  known  that  there 
would  be  any  candidate  opposed  to  Mr.  Randall.  The  same 
Mr.  Rice,  years  afterward,  became  the  financial  manager  of  the 
recently  exploded  "  Gruardian  Savings  Bank." 

But  I  am  wandering  from  the  point  which  induced  me  to 
address  a  brief  letter  to  you.  Mr.  Randall,  among  his  admira- 
ble photographs  of  village  celebrities,  introduced  that  of  "  Uncle 
Josh  Aldrich,"  with  a  single  omission,  viz.,  the  six-foot  staff, 
his  invariable  accompaniment.  Joshua  Aldrich  was  a  tavern, 
or  rather  a  store  oracle,  for  he  was  an  habitual  lounger  in  the 
stores  of  Benjamin  Chapman  and  John  ]N^oyes,  Jr.,  where  he 
held  forth  to  village  idlers  as  dogmatically  as  the  Host  of  the 
"  Maypole  "  in  Barnaby  Rudge  discoursed  to  his  village  guests. 
Aldrich,  like  other  oracles,  was  impatient  of  contradiction,  and 
if  pushed  into  a  corner,  as  he  sometimes  was,  by  an  opponent, 
he  would,  striking  his  long  staff  vehemently  on  the  floor,  end 
all  controversy  by  exclaiming,  "  who  steals  my  furse  steals 
trash,  as  Robert  Boyle  saysT  On  one  of  these  occasions,  Mr. 
Chapman  quietly  observed  that  Mr.  Aldrich  had  mistaken  the 
authorship  of  the  passage  quoted,  adding  that  it  was  written 
by  Shakespeare.  "  Uncle  Josh "  stoutly  denied  this,  saying 
that  he  would  furnish  proof  of  the  correctness  of  his  assertion. 
On  the  following  day,  at  the  usual  hour,  "  Uncle  Josh " 
appeared,  and  after  waiting  till  his  accustomed  auditors  arrived 
he  produced  the  works  of  Robert  Boyle  in  a  small  volume,  and 
pointing  to  its  title  page  asked  Mr.  Chapman  and  the  lookers 
on  to  read  for  themselves,  himself  exclaiming,  in  an  ecstacy  of 
pride,  "  who  steals  my  purse  steals  trash."  The  merchant 
adverted  to  the  circumstance  that  Boyle  had  borrowed  the  line 
which  adorned  the  title  page  of  Bojde's  volume,  from  Shakes- 
peare ;  giving  that  author  credit  was  "  labor  lost,"  that  was 
far  beyond  "  Uncle  Josh's "  comprehension,  for  his  literary 
reading  began  and  ended  with  Robert  Boyle. 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  25 

Among  the  village  idlers  of  that  da}^  was  one  by  the  name, 
if  I  remember  right,  of  Jesse  or  Joseph  Brown.  He  was 
especially  addicted  to  politics.  When  Daniel  D.  Tompkins 
was  running  against  DeWitt  Clinton  for  Governor,  animated,- 
if  not  angry  disputes,  were  frequent,  and  especially  so  in  the 
stores  before  mentioned.  Brown,  an  ardent  and  loquacious 
Clintonian,  engaged  in  high  debate  with  an  equally  zealous 
"  Bucktail,"  whose  name,  if  -  my  memory  serves,  was  Snow. 
Brown  expatiated  upon  the  talent  and  genius  of  Clinton,  Snow 
in  reply  extolled  Tompkins  for  his  patriotic  services  during  the 
war,  who,  he  said,  after  borrowing  all  the  money  the  banks  would 
lend,  spent  his  own  fortune  in  furnishing  clothes  and  food  for  the 
'soldiers  who  were  fighting  the  British.  "  You,"  said  Snow, 
"  talk  about  Clinton's  great  talent,  but  I  want  to  know  what 
he  has  done  for  his  country ? "  "I  am  ready,"  responded 
Brown,  "  to  meet  you  on  that  point ;  if  you  want  to  know 
what  Governor  Clinton  has  done  for  his  country  I  advise  you 
to  look  at  his  future  oonductr  This  caused  a  laugh  at  the 
expense  both  of  Mr.  Clinton  and  his  admirer. 

If,  as  is  said,  "he  that  causes  two  blades  of  grass  to  grow 
where  but  bne  grew  previously,"  has  been  regarded  as  a  public 
benefactor,  upon  the  same  principle  he  who  causes  a  "  blade  of 
asparagus  to  grow  where  none -grew  before,  may  be  held  as 
doubly  a  benefactor.  Perhaps  your  readers  may  be  amused 
to  learn  when  and  by  whom  the  first  blade  of  asparagus 
was  raised  in  Norwich. Emmons,  a  slight,  pale,  amia- 
ble, and  almost  briefless  lawyer,  whose  ofiice  was  situated  mid- 
way between  Garlics'  and  Gates'  tavern,  came  from  Dutchess 
county.  The  grief  of  his  life  during  the  vegetable  season  was 
that  no  asparagus  was  grown  in  ]^orwich.  Indeed,  but  few  of 
the  villagers  had  ever  heard  of  that  delicacy.  Mr.  Emmons 
determined  to  retrieve  in  this  respect  the  character  of  the  vil- 
lage by  himself  becoming  grower.  A  plot  in  Mr.  Gates'  garden 
was  selected  for  an  asparagus  bed,  which,  when  the  season 
arrived,  was  carefully  prepared  by  Mr.  Emmons,  who  weeded 
and  watched  it  with  diligent  care  and  parental  solicitude.  In 
,  the  fullness  of  time,  the  much  talked  of  esculent  was  pro- 
nounced fit  to  cut.  This  was  done  in  the  presence  of  several 
invited  guests,  who,  after  it  had  been  prepared  for  the  table, 
■4 


26  Selections  fkom  the  JSTewspaper 

under  Mr.  E.'s  personal  superintendence,  shared  the  delicacy 
with  its  radiantly  happy  producer ;  thus  asparagus  was  first 
introduced  to  your  citizens.  JSTow,  I  suppose  every  garden  in 
the  village  rejoices  in  its  bed  of  asparagus. 

Truly  yours, 

Thurlow  Weed. 


AN  mTERESTING  I^STRUMEJSTT. 

A.  D.  1826. 
[Evening  Express,  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  January  7,  1874.] 


Rochester  in  1826. 
In  looking  over  a  collection  of  old  MSS.  and  papers,  Col. 
Angle  recently  brought  to  light  a  partly-printed,  partly- written 
instrument,  considerably  yellowed  by  age,  and  bearing  signa- 
tures of  residents  of  Rochester,  well  known  and  prominent  at 
the  date  of  the  paper,  and  one  of  them  now  having  a  more  than 
national  reputation.  The  term  of  the  principal  paper  is  as 
follows  : 

This  certifies  that  Thurlow  Weed  is  entitled  to  two  shares  of 
stock  in  the  new  Rochester  Theatre,  having,  on  the  first  day  of 
July  last,  completed  the  payment  of  twenty-five  dollars  upon 
each  share,  to  draw  interest  from  said  day. 
H.  A.  Williams, 

By  his  Attorney,  R.  C.  Jones. 
Rochester,  October  3,  1826. 

Upon  the  outside  of  this  certificate  is  the  following  assign- 
ment : 

"  For  the  consideration  of  the  sum  of  fifty  dollars,  to  me  in 
hand  paid,  I  do  hereby  assign,  transfer  and  set  over  to  Richard 
C.  Jones,  all  my  right,  title  and  interest  in  and  to  the  within 
stock. 

"  1826,  Octoler  19.  '  Thurlow  Weed." 

The  "ISTew  Rochester  Theatre,"  for  which  this  stock  was 
issued,  was  built  on  State  street,  about  opposite  Market  street. 


Abticles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  27 

It  was  a  frame  building,  painted  yellow,  and  quite  an  extensive 
affair  for  a  village  of  some  six  thousand  population.  In  that 
theatre  the  elder  Kean  trod  the  boards,  and  the  most  noted 
actors  at  that  time  in  our  own  country.  Subsequently  it  was 
.purchased  by  Joseph  Christopher,  who  converted  it  into  a  livery 
stable,  and  to  such  use  it  was  diverted  until  replaced  by  the 
substantial  brick  structure  now  standing  there. 

At  the  date  of  this  paper,  Thurlow  Weed  was  editing  the 
^'■Rochester  Telegrajjh,^''  published  daily  by  Messrs.  NYeed  & 
Marti-n.  O'Eeilly's  history  says  that  the  publication  of  a  daily 
newspaper,  in  "  a  place  that  was  suddenly  emerging  from  tlie 
woods,  occasioned  much  remark,  not  only  through  the  United 
States,  but  in  Europe.  It  contributed  essentially  to  render  the 
importance  of  the  place  well  and  quickly  known  ;  as  the  fact 
that  business  and  prospects  were  deemed  sufficiently  encourag- 
ing to  justify  the  enterprise  was  in  itself  a  strong-  practical 
argument  respecting  the  growing  value  of  the  then  village  of 
Rochester." 

Mr.  Weed  was  elected  to  the  Legislature,  and  re-elected.  He 
then  removed  to  Albany  and  became  editor  of  the  Evening 
Journal  of  that  city. 


THURLOW  WEED. 

A.  D.    1851- 
[The  Old  Settler,  Keeseville,  Ohio,  1851.] 


We  have  opposed  Mr.  Weed  politically  for  twenty-five  years. 
Still,  we  never  could  help  liking  the  man.  We  certainly  did 
consider  him  unscrupulous  of  the  means  of  accomplishing  his 
ends,  and  reckless  of  the  appliances.  But  we  felt  as  though 
we  could  pardon  something  to  the  spirit  of  liberty.  His  patri- 
otism is  unbounded.  That  was  well  attested  in  the  last  war 
with  England.  He  then  slung  his  knapsack,  shouldered  his 
musket,  and  marched  to  the  tented  field,  to  repel  a  foreign  foe. 


28  Selections  feom  the  ISTewspapee 

As  an  editor,  lie  always  espouses  the  cause  of  the  weak  and 
down  trodden.  His  charity  and  liberality  are  as  broad  and 
deep  as  his  patriotism.  Above  all,  with  the  craft,  he  cannot  do 
too  much  for  a  practical  printer.  And  from  his  present  eleva- 
tion as  the  conductor  of  the  leading  paper  of  his  party,  and  of 
immense  influence,  he  has  never  ceased  to  regard  with  com- 
placency the  ladder  by  which  he  ascended. 

The  following  letter  to  the  Kew  York  Typographical  Society 
is  interesting,  not  only  to  the  profession,  but  to  all  classes,  as 
showing  the  rapid  advance  made  in  the  life-time  of  the  writer, 
in  the  "  Art  Preservative  of  all  Arts,"  which  has  no  more  than 
kept  pace  with  every  other  improvement  in  the  Empire  State, 
and  throughout  our  broad  domain  : 

Typogkaphical  Reminiscences. 

Albany,  January  12,  1851. 

Gentlemen  :  —  When  your  Association  honored  me,  two 
years  ago,  with  an  invitation  to  speak  to  the  printers  of  the 
city  of  I^ew  York,  I  regretted,  almost  for  the  first  time  in  my 
life,  that  this  gift,  "  to  speak  in  public  on  the  stage,"  had  been 
denied  me.  Indeed,  my  solicitude  to  be  with  you  in  celebrat- 
ing the  birthday  of  the  immortal  Franklin,  was  so  keen,  that 
could  I  have  relied,  as  did  a  gentleman  similarly  situated,  on  a 
friend  to  speak  for  me,  I  should  have  taken  a  seat  at  your  table. 
But  fearing  that  I  might  be  less  fortunate  than  Baalam,  my 
valor  took  counsel  of  discretion.  But  though  I  cannot  speak 
them,  allow  me  to  express  in  this  form,  my  grateful  thanks  for 
your  present  kind  remembrance  of  me. 

It  is  now  forty  years  since  I  was  apprenticed  to  the  "  Art 
Preservative  of  all  Arts."  I  had  aspired  to  this  dignity  four 
years  earlier,  but  after  officiating  as  "  carrier  "  for  a  few  weeks, 
in  the  ofiice  of  Mackey  Croswell,  of  Catskill,  my  hopes  were 
disappointed  by  the  removal  of  my  parents  from  that  village 
to  a  then  remote  county.  But  in  December,  1811,  when 
"  Thomas  Chittenden  Fay  "  established  "  The  Lynx  "  in  Onon- 
daga Hollow,  the  cherished  desire  of  my  heart  was  gratified. 
According  to  the  accounts  of  my  master,  I  was  then  a  ^^r^ 
verdant  youth.     And  this,  so  far  as  my  recollection  serves  in 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  29 

recalling  the  modes  of  instruction  resorted  to,  must  have  been 
true ;  for  he  not  unf requently  proposed  to  get  ideas  into  my 
head  with  the  "mallet,"  and  on  one  occasion  I  only  evaded  a 
well-aimed  experiment  in  the  same  direction  with  the  "  sheep- 
foot,"  by  an  "Artful  Dodge."  For  this  kind  of  discipline 
there  were  provocations.  I  remember  one :  An  obituary  notice 
of  the  death  of  the  accomplished  lady  of  a  then  youthful  and 
promising  but  now  venerable  and  eminent  clergyman  (the  Rev. 
Derick  C.  Lansing),  was  handed  in  just  before  the  23aper  was 
going  to  press.  In  setting^  it  up,  the  word  "  consort  "  occur- 
red. It  was  new,  and  did  not  strike  me  as  conveying  the  ap- 
propriate idea ;  and^  instead  of  referring  to  the  dictionary,  I 
substituted  the  word  "  comfort,"  so  that  the  deceased  was  thus 
made  the  "  comfort  "  rather  than  the  "  consort ".  of  the  be- 
reaved husband !  The  paper  was  thus  worked  off,  and  sent 
about  the  village  ;  and  \vhile  felicitating  myself  upon  an  intel- 
lectual achievement,  the  blunder  was  discovered  by  Mr.  Brown, 
a  one-eyed  shoemaker,  and  my  ears  yet  tingle  with  the  boxing 
my  stupiditv  cost  them. 

Ill  1811,  there  were  but  thirty -four  newspapers  in  this  State. 
With  their  names,  appearance,  complexion,  cuts,  etc.,  I  was  as 
familiar  as  I  now  am  with  the  faces  around  my  own  fireside. 
The  paper  on  which  they  were  printed,  in  texture,  and  hue,  re- 
sembled ordinary  wrapping  paper,  and  the  type,  in  most  cases, 
were  worn  well  down  toward  the  "  first  nick."  The  "  New 
York  ColionMan^^  was  printed  on  a  sheet  as  blue  as  indigo, 
while  the  "  Huc^son  Bee  "  rejoiced  in  colors  as  yellow  as  "  Mrs 
Skewton's  "  bed  curtains. 

The  only  survivors  of  the  editors  or  proprietors  of  that 
period,  whom  I  now  remember,  are  Mr.  Holt,  of  The  Colum- 
'hian,  Mr.  E.  W.  Skinner,  of  I%e  Albany  Gazette,  Mr.  Corn- 
stock,  of  The  BaUston  Spa  Gazette,  Ex-Comptroller  Flagg,  of 
The  Plattsburgh  Bepublican,  Mr.  Mix,  of  The  Johnstoion  Re- 
pxiblican,  Col.  Prentiss,  of  The  Cooperstown  Federalist,  Mr. 
Walker,  of  The  Columbian  Gazette,  Mr.  Bogart,  of  The  Geneva 
Gazette,  and  Mr.  Fairchild,  now  of  Cazenovla.  My  friend 
Fra.ncis  Hall,  the  worthy  senior  proprietor  of  The  ComrnerGial 
Advertiser  had  not  then,  I  believe,  become  associated  with  the 
late  Mr.  Lewis. 


30  Selections  from  the  JNewspaper 

Progress  and  mechanism  have  divested  our  art  of  much  of 
its  interest,  I  have  never  been  able  to  look  with  complacency 
upon  these  innovations ;  and  if  our  great  exemplar,  Franklin, 
could  revisit  earth,  his  spirit  would  grieve  at  the  vandalism 
which  has  robbed  "  press  work "  of  all  its  intellectuality. 
Benjamin  Franklin,  though  a  good  "  compositor,"  w^as  a  good 
"  pressman  "  also,  and  worked  as  such,  from  choice,  while  a 
journeyman. 

But  now  only  one  branch  of  our  trade  is  taught  to  apprenti- 
ces. A  printer  is  now  no  longer  connected  with  the  "  press- 
room." The  printer  of  the  present  day  is  a  stranger  to  its 
healthful  toil,  its  rich  humors,  its  merry  laughs,  its  habitual 
jests,  and,  I  am  constrained  to  remember,  its  too  frequent  rev- 
elries. The  customs  of  the  press-room,  along  with  its  labors,  are 
all  obsolete.  Who,  of  the  present  generation  of  printers, 
knows  any  thing  of  the  mystic  and  magic  power  ol  signature 
"  O  !  "  And  how  can  a  boy  make  a  good  printer  whose  initi- 
atory steps  were  not  taken  in.  treading  a  pelt  f  AVho  has  for- 
gotten, or  can  forget,  the  weariness  of  that  tread-mill  ?  I 
remember  with  gratitude  the  in^^ention  which  gave  us  dressed 
deer-skins  instead  of  green  pelts  for  halls  ! 

Railroads,  steamboats,  canal  boats,  etc.,  have  had  their  share, 
too,  in  plucking  flowers  from  our  path.  The  journeyman 
printer,  like  the  hatter,  and  shoemaker,  used  to  go  on  his 
"  tramps."  These  were  delightful  peregrinations.  I  have 
traveled  on  foot,  from  Onondaga  to  Auburn,  from  Auburn  to 
Utica,  from  Utica  to  Herkimer,  thence  to  Cooperstown,  thence 
to  Albany,  thence  again  to  Utica,  etc.,  working  a  few  months, 
or  weeks,  as  chanced,  in  each  place. 

Time  has  wrought  great  changes,  and  nowhere  else  with 
such  a  legible  hand  as  in  your  city.  I  obtained  a  "  situation  " 
there  in  June,  1815.  It  seems  that  but  a  night  had  intervened, 
and  that  all  I  now  see,  in  waking,  of  grandem'  and  magnifi- 
cence ;  of  a  wilderness  of  dwellings  and  forests  of  masts,  is 
the  work  of  enchantment. 

My  first  employers  there  were  Messrs.  Yan  Winkle  &  Wis- 
ley,  whose  ofiice  was  in  Greenwich  street,  a  few  doors  below 
Courtland.  I  was  at  press  on  "  Gobbet's  Register,"  that  great 
English  radical  and  reformer  then  having  an  office  in  Wall 


Articles  of  Thtjelow  Weed.  31 

street.  Anxious  to  see  "  William  Cobbet,"  of  whom  I  liacl 
read  and  heard  so  much,  I  obtained  permission  to  take  a 
"proof-sheet"  to  him.  In  1843,  I  saw  the  same  man,  in  all 
but  the  power  of  speech,  with  the  identical  gray  coat,  in  Madame 
Tussaud's  collection  of  wax  figures  in  London ! 

Through  the  aid  of  the  late  Samuel  H.  Davis,  one  of  the 
best  printers  I  ever  knew,  and  mj  cherished  friend  through 
life,  I  soon  got  a  better  situation  at  Daniel  Fanshaw's,  in  Cliff 
street.  Mr.  Fanshaw  had  the  printing  of  the  Bible  and  Tract 
Societies.  This  gave  constant  but  hard  work,  for  Mr.  F. 
required  "  eleven  quire  tokens  "  of  us.  I  worked  subsequently 
at  the  office  of  Samuel  Wood  &  Sons,  George  Long,  Jonathan 
Seymour,  William  A.  Mercein,  and,  for  a  short  time,  upon  the 
"  Cou7ner,^^  published  by  the  late  Barent  Gardiner. 

Upon  the  years  of  my  life  which  glided  away  as  a  journey- 
man printer  in  ISTew  York,  I  look  back  with  unmingled  grati- 
fication. It  was  a  period  of  high,  healthy,  buoyant  spirits  and 
fresh  enjoyment.  I  was  never  for  a  day  out  of  work ;  and 
with  a  hard}^^ frame  and  a  willing  hand,  I  was  enabled  from 
my  wages,  to  gratify  every  rational  wish. 

Few  journeymen  made  a  larger  figure  in  the  "  bill  book  "  of 
a  Saturday  night  than  myself  ;  btit  I  was  indebted  for  much 
of  this  to  the  driving,  indomitable  industry  of  my  "  press 
partners."  In  this  respect  I  was  peculiarly  fortunate,  having 
for  partners,  successively,  William  E.  Dean,  now  an  enterpris- 
ing and  worthy  law  book  publisher ;  James  Hai-per  (of  the 
house  of  Harper  &  Brothers)  ;  JSTicholas  B,  Penfold,  and  the 
late  Thomas  Kennedy,  who  were  proverbially  the  greatest 
workers  in  the  city.  Often  when,  of  a  pleasant  afternoon,  I  sug- 
gested a  walk  on  the  battery,  my  partners,  instead  of  allowing 
me  to  Gcqj  the  halls,  would  insist  on  "  breaking  the  ba,ck  of  the 
thirteenth  token,"  which  being  done,  would  suggest  an  argu- 
ment for  finishing  the  thirteenth  token  the  next  day.  But 
all  this  told  in  our  favor  on  Saturday,  when,  instead  of  a 
dead  horse,  we  had  a  live  one  in  stable,  and  when  I  was  sure 
to  treat  myself  with  a  pit  ticket  in  the  Park  Theatre,  then  in  its 
palmiest  days,  for  its  boards  were  graced  by  the  talents  and 
genius  of  Hilson,  Hop  Robinson,  Mi's.  Darley,  Miss  Johnson, 
etc.,  etc.  Then  every  face  habitually  in  the  boxes  was  familiar  to 


32  Selections  fkom  the  JSTewspapek 

my  eye.  But  here,  again,  time,  with  its  merciless  scythe,  has 
"  cut  down  both  great  and  small."  On  a  more  recent  occasion, 
when  all  the  play-going  people  were  attracted,  the  only  persons 
always  present  thirty-five  years  ago,  were  Philip  Hone,  Mor- 
decai  M.  Koah,  and  Jacob  Hays. 

Let  me  give  yon  a  practical  idea  of  what  printing  was  in 
ISTew  York  in  1816.  Messrs.  Kirk  &  Mercein,  booksellers, 
received  an  early  copy  of  Moore's  Lalla  Eookh.  They  deter- 
mined to  astonish  the  public  with  a  hastened  edition.  The 
copy  was  sent  to  W.  A.  Mercein,  in  Gold  street,  where  I  was 
at  press.  All  the  force  attainable  was  in  request.  Comj^osi- 
tors,  pressmen,  folders,  binders,  etc.,  etc.,  worked  day  and 
night,  and  the  American  edition  was  for  sale  in  a  fortnight ! 
The  Harpers  would  now  throw  the  same  work  off  in  thirty- 
six  hours. 

Again.  In'  181Y,  I  worked  on  the  "  Courier^  Those  who 
remember  the  proprietor  and  editor,  Mr.  Gardiner,  need  not 
be  told  that  his  education,  as  a  financier,  had  been  sadly  neg- 
lected. He  could  not  afford  to  keep  a  news  boat,  as  Long  & 
Turner,  of  the  Gazette,  and  Mr.  Butler,  of  the  Mercantile 
Advertiser,  did.  And  yet  he  must  have  the  "  marine  list," 
which  was  obtained  in  this  wise :  Every  half  hour  after  dark, 
until  11  o'clock,  a  boy,  in  the  Courier  office,  was  dispatched  to 
the  Gazette  office,  who  "  cribbed,"  and  brought  back  —  in  his 
memory  —  all  the  arrivals,  consignees,  etc.,  etc.  This  incident 
will  enable  you  to  contrast  the  commerce  of  N^ew  York,  in 
1817,  with  its  "  ship  news  "  of  1851. 

"When  I  first  worked  in  ISTew  York,  the  late  Mr.  Eoger 
Prout  was  the  only  ink  manufacturer  in  the  State.  Soon  after- 
ward, two  very  worthy  journeyman  printers,  Messrs.  Mather  & 
Donnington,  established  themselves  in  the  business.  They 
were  of  course  poor,  and  had  to  contend  against  an  old  manu- 
facturer with  capital,  by  whom  they  were  regarded  as  intruders. 
The  employers,  generally,  took  part  with  Mr.  Prout,  while  the 
sympathies  of  the  journeymen  were  with  his  rivals.  We 
believed  that  our  friends  were  oppressed,  and  it  was  soon  found 
impossible  to  do  "  good  work"  with  Prout's  ink.  In  spite  of 
our  best  efforts,  "  Picks,"  "  Monks  "  and  "  Friars  "  marred  the 
beauty  of  each  impresssion.     This  soon  compelled  the  employ- 


Aeticles  of  Thuhlow  Weed.  S'6 

ers  to  patronize  Mather  &  Doiinington,  whose  ink  worked  to  a 
tiharm  !  In  looking  back  upon  this  warfare,  I  am  not  sure  that 
Front's  ink  received  fair  play ;  but,  fortunately,  the  business 
increased  so  rapidly,  that  both  found  abundant  employment. 
Mr.  Prout  died  rich ;  and  Mr.  Mather,  who-,  as  a  printer,  a 
man,  and  a  christian,  is  an  honor  to  all  his  professions,  is  now 
the  best  and  most  extensive  ink  manufacturer  in  America. 

I  was  a  member  of  the  "  ISTew  York  Typographical  Society," 
when  Peter  Force,  Adoniram  Chandler,  C.  S.  Bellamy,  Thomas 
Kennedy,  James  Anderson,  etc.,  were  its  officers.  My  certifi- 
cate of  membership,  appropriately  framed,  is  a  cherished  me- 
morial. I  esteem  it  a  high  honor  to  have  enjoyed,  in  addition 
to  the  journeymen  I  have  already  named,  the  friendship  of 
Mr.  O'^Teil,  James  gmith,  Nicholas  B.  Fenfold,  Horace  Clark, 
Peter  Cole,  etc.,  etc. 

By  the  way,  my  first  experience  in  legislation  grew  out  of 
relation  to  the  ]^ew  York  Typograj)hical  Society.  When,  in 
1816,  it  was  determined  to  apply  for  an-  Act  of  Incorporation, 
the  circumstance  of  my  having  worked  in  Albany  induced 
the  Society  to  select  me  as  its  agent  to  obtain  the  charter. 
Early  in  the  Spring  of  that  year  I  came  up  in  a  sloop  com- 
manded by  my  present  friend,  Capt.  George  Monteath,  trem- 
blingly alive  to  the  responsibilities  of  my  mission.  The  ses- 
sion was"  approaching  its  close.  Legislation  was  not  then,  as  it 
now  is,  easily  to  be  "  entreated  "  of  by  working  men.  Senators 
and  Assemblymen  then  wore  boots  with  tassels,  shirts  with 
ruffles,  and  "  gloves  of  kid."  After  two  repulses  from  mem- 
bers who  doubted  the  necessity  of  incorporating  journeymen,  I 
,  summoned  courage  enough  to  call  on  the  late  Hon.  Cadwal- 
lader'  D.  Golden,  then  a  Senator,  who  received  me  kindly,  took 
an  interest  in  the  application,  which  was  successful,  and  I 
returned  to  the  city  rejoicing,  with  a  copy  of  the  charter  in 
my  pocket. 

It  was  my  good  fortune,  as  a  journeyman,  to  find  in  employ- 
ei"s,  almost  invariable  kindness.  I  remember  them  all  with 
sincere  regard,  and  several  with  affection  and  gratitude.  Jona- 
.than  Seymour  was  an  honor  to  his  race.  William  A.  Mercein 
was  a  most  amiable  man.  The  now  venerable  Thomas  Walker, 
of  Utica,  for  some  thirty  years  publisher  of  the  "  Columbian 
5 


34  Selections  feom  the  jSTewspapee 

Gazette^''  and  nearly  or  quite  as  long,  an  upright  magistrate, 
has  not  outlived  his  enemies,  for  he  never  had  one.  Col.  Wil- 
liam L.  Stone,  always  proud  of  his  profession,  was  an  estima- 
ble and  guileless  man. 

In  Everard  Peck,  of  Rochester,  for  whom  I  worked  after  a 
wife  and  children  were  upon  my  hands  (that  wife,  Grod  bless 
her,  always  doing  more  than  her  share  for  the  support  of  all), 
and  to  whose  office  I  seemed  to  have  been  proyidentially 
attracted,  I  found  that  friend  who  "  sticketh  closer  than  a 
brother." 

I  rejoice  that  the  memory  of  Franklin  is  cherished  by  print- 
ers. ]^o  page  of  history  is  adorned  by  a  brighter  name.  His 
precepts  and  examples  —  both  eminently  wise  and  good  —  have 
exerted  a  salutary  and  living  influence  over  the  civilized  world. 
But  to  printers,  especially,  have  his  teachings  been  profitable. 
Stimulated  by  his  virtues,  and  emulous  of  his  fame,  printers 
have  since  risen  to  high  and  enviable  stations. 

There  is  no  man,  I  venture  to  say,  who  has  the  slightest 
intellectual  relation  to  our  craft,  who  has  not  been  rendered 
wiser,  better,  and  happier,  by  reading  the  life  of  Benjamin 
Franklin.  And  many  a  printer's  devil,  who,  but  for  his  famil- 
iarity with  the  history  of  Franklin,  would  have  groveled 
through  life,  has  risen  to  eminence.  Every  State  in  the  Union 
has  furnished  gratifying  illustrations  of  this  fact.  An  eloquent 
and  independent  member  of  the  present  Congress  was,  twenty- 
three  years  ago,  my  apprentice. 

But  it  is  time  to  arrest  this  garrulous  pen.  I  sat  down 
merely  to  write  my  thanks  for  the  honor  which  your  invitation 
confers.  Instead,  however,  of  regarding  the  maxim  which 
teaches  that  brevity,  on  social  occasions,  is  "  the  soul  of  wit," 
old  memories  have  kept  me  wasting  ink  and  paper  these  two 
hours.  But  the  horse  led  to  water  will  drink  or  not  as  he 
pleases,  and  you  have  this  advantage  over  me.  Letters,  like 
petitions,  can  be  referred,  or  laid  on  the  table — -without  read- 
ing. 

I  am,  very  truly. 

Your  Typographical  Brother, 

Thuklow  Weed. 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  35 

To  W.  L.  S.  Harrison,  etc.,  Committee  : 

If  sentiments  register  with  your  proceedings,  I  beg  to  sub- 
mit the  following : 

"  The  Journeymen  Printers  of  the  City  of  New  York  — 
May  full  eases  and  fat  takes  brighten  their  toil,  while  'proofs 
of  friendship,  and  tokens  of  affection  sweeten  their  repose." 


imiO]^  SQUAKE  THE ATEE— SPECIAL. 

A.  D.  1875. 


The  management  are  permitted  to  publish  the  following  let- 
ter from  the  veteran  journalist,  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed,  in  regard 
to  Messrs.  D'Enneiy  &  Plouvier's  truly  wonderful  play,  "  One 
Hundred  Tears  Old,"  now  running  at  this  theatre  : 


"& 


To  the  Managers  of  the  Union  Square  Theatre  : 

GrENTLEMEN  t  By  your  polite  "  enforcement  "  I  found  myself 
seated  in  the  Union  Square  Theatre  on  Monday  evening.  For 
that  courtesy  I  owe  you  more  than  simple  thanks.  In  looking 
about  me  I  found  no  other  head  frosted  like  my  own.  Hence, 
with  the  remembrance  that  my  play-going  days  have  been  over 
nearly  twenty  years,  came  a  feeling  that  I  was  out  of  place.  But 
a  few  minutes  served  to  charm  me  back  to  the  palmy  days  of  the 
Park  Theatre,  when,  half  a  century  ago,  there  was  so  much 
happiness  in  seeing  Mrs.  Darley,  Mrs.  Barnes,  Mrs.  Wheatley, 
Miss  Holman,  Miss  Johnson,  and  others  acting  with  Cooper, 
Simpson,  Barnes,  Placide,  Booth,  and  Keene.  But  I  found 
brief  time  to  dwell  upon  the  past,  for  in  the  present  all  the  old 
dramatic  interest  returned.  The  play  of  "  One  Hundred  Years 
Old  "  is  not  simply  admirable,  but  as  nearly  faultless  as  any 
representation  I  had  ever  seen.  It  would  have  "  dra^^^l "  and 
"  brought  down  "  full  houses  in  the  best  days  of  the  drama. 
In  conception  and  language  the  piece  is  natural  and  chaste, 
while  its  absorbing  interest  is  preserved  throughout ;  so.  too,  is 
its  artistic  effect.  Several  of  the  scenes  and  views  are  very 
beautiful  and  the  actors  seemed  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the 
author.  Harry  Placide  himself  could  not  have  given  a  truer 
counterfeit  presentment  of  a  man  "  One  Hundred  Years  Old  " 
than  is  found  in  your  Mark  Smith.  ******* 
Yery  truly  yours,         Tsijelow  Weed. 


3(3  Selections  fkom  the  JS^ewspapee 

AK  EXTEACT  FKOM  ME.  WEED'S  AUTOBIOG- 
EAPHT. 

[From  the  N.  Y.  Times,  August,  1868.] 


The  autobiography  of  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed,  of  which  the 
public  have  heard  rumors  from  time  to  time,  we  are  pleased  to 
learn,  is  progressing  as  rapidly  as  Mr.  Weed's  health  will  per- 
mit. It  promises  to  be  one  of  the  most  interesting  autobiog- 
raphies ever  published  in  this  country,  with  the  single  excep- 
tion of  Franklin's,  and,  on  the  historical  side,  will  have  greatly 
the  advantage  of  that  precious  fragment.  Its  publication  may 
not  be  immediately  looked  for,  but  we  have  had  the  advantage 
of  reading  some  portions  of  it,  and  have  received  permission  to 
publish  the  account  of  an  incident  which  will  be  found  equally 
curious  and  interesting  to  readers  whose  recollections  extend 
over  a  period  of  half  a  century,  as  well  as  to  the  younger  gen- 
eration.    The  following  is  the  extract : 

In  1817  there  was  a  disastrous  split  in  the  Eepublican  party 
of  this  State,  Governor  Clinton  heading  one  faction,  and  Mr. 
Yan  Buren  the  other.  A  political  and  personal  warfare  of 
unusual  virulence  characterized  the  campaign  of  that  year. 
Mr.  Clinton,  an  able  and  vituperative  writer,  assailed  the  lead- 
ers of  the  opposite  side  through  the  columns  of  the  New  York 
Columhian  and  Albany  Register.  William  L.  Marcy,  then  a 
young  man,  and  others,  replied  through  the  columns  of  the 
Albany  Argus.  One  morning  a  vehement  article,  highly 
denunciatory  of  Governor  Clinton,  provoked  a  note  from  the 
gentleman  assailed,  to  the  editor  of  the  Argus,  demanding  the 
name  of  the  writer.  Mr.  Buel,  the  editor,  handed  the  note  to 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  who  invited  Mr.  Charles  E.  Dudley,  Mr. 
William  L.  Marcy,  Mr.  Benjamin  Knower,  and  Judge  Eoger 
Skinner  to  his  house  that  evening.  While  they  were  discuss- 
ing the  embarrassing  question  which  Governor  Clinton's  note 
had  raised,  the  servant  brought  Peter  H.  Livingstone  to  the 
library.  Mr.  Clinton  was  at  the  time  Governor  of  the  State, 
while  Messrs.  Yan  Buren  and  Livingstone  were  members  of 
the  Senate.  The  conversation,  as  Mr.  Livingstone  discovered, 
Avas  interi'upted  by  his  appearance.  He  said,  in  his  usual 
brusque  manner,  "  You  are  talking  secrets  here,  and  I  have 
interrupted  you."     Mr.  Yan  Buren  replied,  "  Governor  Clin- 


ARTICLES  OF  Thuelow  "Weed.  37 

ton  lias  demanded  tlie  name  of  the  writer  of  the  article  in  this 
morning's  Argiis,  and  we  were  talking  of  the  peculiar  awk- 
wardness of  exposing  the  writer."  "  There  is  nothing  peculiar 
about  it,"  responded  Mi'.  Livingstone,  "  nor  need  there  be  any 
embarrassment.  Send  my  name  to  Mr.  Clinton."  Mr.  Yan 
Bureii  remarked,  "  This  is  no  occasion  for  trifling,  Mr.  Living- 
stone. You  know  what  Gov.  Clinton  means  by  his  demand." 
"  Yes,  sir,"  replied  Mr.  Livingstone,  "  I  do  know,  and  it  is  just 

what  I  mean.     I  have  long  wanted  a  shot  at  the rascal." 

Persisting  in  the  avowal  that  he  was  the  writer,  and  in  the 
request  that  his  name  should  be  given  up,  they  finally  yielded, 
and  Mr.  Buel  was  instructed  accordingly.  At  a  late  hour  the 
parties  separated.  Just  as  the  day  dawned  the  following 
morning,  Mr.  Yan  Buren  was  awakened  by  a  violent  applica- 
tion of  his  knocker,  and,  looking  out  of  his  bedroom  window, 
a  voice,  which  he  recognized  as  Mr.  Livingstone's,  inquired, 
"  Is  that  you,  Yan  Buren  ?  "  On  receiving  a  response  in  the 
affirmative,  Livingstone  said,  "  Let  me  in."  Mr.  Yan  Buren 
threw  on  ar  wrapper,  opened  the  door,  and  showed  his  visitor 
into  the  cold  parlor.  Mr.  Livingstone  said,  "  What  the  devil 
were  you  talking  about  last  night  when  I  came  in  ? "  Mr. 
Yan  Buren  replied,  "  We  were  talking  about  your  attack  on 
Governor  Clinton  in  the  ArgusP  Mr,  Livingstone,  using  a 
strong  expletive,  rejoined,  "  I  won't  stand  that.  Y^ou  can't 
father  your  bantlings  on  me.  I  had  been  dining,  and  was 
drunk  when  you  took  advantage  of  me."  This  rendered  it 
necessary  to  re-assemble  the  council  of  the  previous  evening. 
The  real  embarrassment  was  this  :  The  article  had  been  writ- 
ten by  James  King,  a  young  lawyer  from  Orange  county,  who 
had  just  obtained  the  consent  of  William  James,  a  warm  per- 
sonal and  political  friend  of  Governor  Clinton's,  to  marry  his 
daughter,  under  a  pledge  to  abstain  from  politics  and  devote 
himself  exclusively  to  his  profession.  And  now,  before  the 
marriage  was  celebrated,  Mr.  King  had  written  a  most  abusive 
attack  on  his  intended  father-in-law's  intimate  friend.  After 
much  and  anxious  consideration  it  was  decided  that  Mr. 
Knower  should  call  on  Mr.  Isaiali  Townsend,  a  mutual  friend 
of  Mr.  James  and  Governor  Clinton,  and  endeavor,  by  stating 
some  extenuating  circumstances,  to  appease  Mr.  James.  This, 
however,  was  no  easy  task,  for  Mr.  James  was  of  a  stern  and 


38  Selections  from  the  JSTewspapeb 

implacable  disposition.  But  Mr.  Townsend  knew  his  man, 
drove  liim  up  to  Waterford,  drank  two  or  three  glasses  of  gin 
and  water  with  him,  and  succeeded  in  smoothing  over  the  diffi- 
culty. Mr.  Townsend  then  proceeded  to  lay  the  wdiole  matter 
frankly  before  Governor  Clinton,  whose  sense  of  the  humorous 
was  touched  by  the  awkward  position  in  which  Mr.  Living- 
stone's sudden  belligerency  had  placed  his  friends,  and  by  the 
extreme  delicacy  of  Mr.  King's  domestic  relations.  He  good- 
naturedly  withdrew  his  note,  and  took  no  further  notice  of  the 
subject. 

In  1862  I  asked  the  late  John  Van  Buren  if  he  had  ever 
heard  his  father  speak  of  this  incident,  which  I  commenced 
relating  to  him.  He  soon  stopped  me,  saying  that  he  had  had 
many  a  hearty  roar  over  the  affair,  and  that  he  and  his  brother 
intended  to  make  it  the  subject  of  a  chapter  in  the  forthcoming 
memoirs  of  his  father.  He  expressed  his  surprise  that  I,  a 
pohtical  opponent,  should  have  learned  the  secrets  of  this 
memorable  conclave.  I  had,  however,  received  the  account 
more  than  thirty  years  before  from  Mr.  James. 


THE  LATE  PETEE  K.  LIYINGSTO^. 

[From  the  N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser,  August  28, 1868.] 


To  the  Editor  of  the  Commercial  Adi^eHiser : 

]^o.  348  Lexington  Avenue,  Augiist  26. 

In  the  interesting  and  curious  leaf  which  you  cull  from  Mr. 
"Weed's  autobiography,  the  Coivimercial  Advertiser,  and  prob- 
ably the  Tir)ies,  speak  of  the  chief  actor  as  Peter  H.  Living- 
stone. The  person  alluded  to  was  Peter  JR.  Livingston,  a 
well-known  and  prominent  member  of  the  Livingston  family, 
at  one  time  Speaker  of  the  Assembly,  and  for  two  full  terms 
of  four  years  each  a  Senator  from  the  Second  Senate  District. 
He  was,  at  the  period  mentioned  (181Y),  about  sixty  years  of 
age.  His  melodious  and  slightly  tremulous  voice,  with  a 
gentle  nervous  movement  of  the  head,  and  emphatic  use  of  the 
forefinger,  an  occasional  resort  to  the  snuff-box,  and  choice 
diction,  which  often   rose  to  eloquence,  both  of   words  and 


Ajrticles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  39 

manner,  gave  a  charm  and  attractiveness  to  his  speeches,  which 
the  cogency  of  the  argument  or  the  strength  of  his  facts  did 
not  always  justify.  The  incident  is  narrated  with  entire  fidel- 
ity by  Mr.  Weed,  in  nearly  the  precise  language  in  which  I 
first  heard  it  from  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  1823-4,  early  in  my 
Albany  life,  at  one  of  the  frequent  conversations  in  which  Mr. 
Van  Buren  rehearsed,  for  my  edification,  in  his  accustomed 
graphic  and  interesting  manner,  the  earlier  political  history 
and  anecdotes  of  his  times,  and  to  which  I  was  a  most  atten- 
tive listener.  There  is,  however,  the  omission  of  a  slight  but 
characteristic  feature.  Owing  to  the  delicacy  and  embarrass- 
ment of  giving  Mr.  King's  name  to  Governor  Clinton  as  the 
writer  of  the  offensive  article,  that  of  Colonel  John  F.  Bacon 
had  been  suggested,  with  his  consent,  before  Mr.  Livingston's 
appearance  on  the  evening  alluded  to.  Colonel  B.  was  then  a 
young  student  at  law,  afterward  one  of  the  two  secretaries  of 
the  State  Constitutional  Convention  of  1821,  for  many  years 
secretary  of  the  Senate,  and  finally  Consul  at  Nassau,  N.  P. — 
an  estimable  gentleman,  whose  memory  is  still  cherished  by  his 
surviving  cotemporaries.  The  circumstance  being  repeated  to 
Mr.  Livingston,  he  protested  that  it  would  be  unjust  alike  to 
Colonel  Bacon  and  himself,  to  claim  for  the  former  a  paternity 
for  which  he  alone  was  responsible. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Mr.  Weed's  health  will  enable  him  to 
complete  the  work  he  has  so  well  more  than  begun.  We  can 
repeat,  from  personal  knowledge,  the  remark  of  the  Times  and 
Commercial  Advertiser  that  "  it  promises  to  be  one  of  the 
most  interesting  autobiographies  ever  published  in  this  country, 
witli  the  single  exception  of  Franklin's,  and,  on  the  historical 
side,  will  have  greatly  the  advantage  of  that  precious  frag- 
ment." 

Very  truly  yours, 

Edwin  Croswell. 


SURVIVING  MEMBERS  OF  EARLY  LEGISLATURES. 

[N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser,  January,  1871.] 


To  the  Editors  of  the  CoinmerGial  Achertiser  : 

I  do  not  now  as  formerly  see  Exchange  Papers,  but  from  a 
tew  numbers  that  have  reached  me,  and  from  Letters  received, 


40  SELECTIOiSrS    FROM    THE    I^EWSPAPEB 

I  infer  that  an  article  which  I  prepared  three  weeks  since, 
naming  the  oldest  surviving  Members  of  Congress,  and  of  the 
Legislature  of  this  State,  has  been  found  sufficiently  interesting 
to  encourage  further  researches.  For  the  present,  however,  I 
will  content  myself  with  a  response  to  a  letter  just  received, 
from  w^hich  the  following  is  an  extract : 

Ovid,  Seneca  County,  FehruOjry  14,  1871. 

Dear  Sir  :  I  write  this  letter  at  the  request  of  Mr.  James 
De  Mott,  an  old  man  who  was  one  of  your  associates  in  the 
Legislature  of  1825,  who  says  that  he  would  like  very  much  to 
know  how  many  of  those  with  whom  he  was  thus  associated  are 
still  living,  and  he  thinks  that  you,  if  anybody,  can  furnish  the 
information.  Mr.  De  Mott  is  nearly  blind,  and  so  I  write  for 
him.  He  has  been  much  interested  in  all  your  "olden-time 
Letters."  Though  eighty-four  years  old,  his  general  health  is 
good  and  his  mind  and  memory  are  clear  and  strong.  He  came 
to  this  town  in  1Y93,  and  has  held  several  town  and  county 
offices,  discharging  every  duty  with  intelligence  and  integrity. 
He  says  he  is  the  only  Clintpnian  ever  elected  to  the  Legisla- 
ture from  Seneca  county.  He  was  a  Whig  ;  is  a  Republican, 
and  a  member  of  the  Methodist  Church. 

I  met  you  at  the  Republican  State  Convention  in  1860,  and 
while  I  do  not  suppose  you  will  remember  me,  I  shall  never 
forget  you.  I  suppose  that  I  was  indebted  to  you,  in  1855,  for 
the  appointment  of  Loan  Commissioner,  an  office  which  I  held 
until  last  year.  I  have  been  a  constant  reader  of  the  Albany 
Journal  since  it  started,  and  a  subscriber  since  1841. 

Your  true  friend, 

John  B.  Bliss. 

Thttrlow  Weed. 

I  cheerfully  comply,  as  far  as  my  information  will  permit, 
with  the  request  of  an  old  Colleague  and  Friend.  I  remember 
Mr.  De  Mott  well,  as  an  intelligent,  attentive,  reliable  working 
member  of  the  House.  I  remember  also  to  have  met  him  in 
Conventions  after  1825,  but  have  not  seen  him  for  forty  years, 
thouffh  I  should  have  known  without  information  that  he  and 
I  would  always  be  found  thinking  and  acting  politically  to- 
gether. 

A  great  political  tornado  swept  through  the  State  in  the 
Autumn  of  1824.  That  storm  was  occasioned  by  the  refusal 
of   the  Democratic  Legislature  to  restore  to   the   people   the 


Aeticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  41 

choice  of  Presidential  Electors,  and  by  the  removal  of  De  Witt 
Clinton  from  the  ofhce  of  Canal  Commissioner.  Mr.  Clinton 
was  elected  Governor  bv  a  large  majority,  while  the  Clintonian 
or  people's  party,  elected  full  three-fourths  of  the  members  of 
the  Assembly.  More  than  twenty  counties  theretofore  strongly 
"  Bucktail "  or  Democratic,  gave  heavy  Clintonian  majorities. 
A  new  class  of  men,  but  few  of  whom  had  ever  been  in  public 
life,  found  themselves  in  the  Legislature.  Many  of  them,  with 
no  taste  or  desire  for  the  public  service,  consented  to  run  in 
that  emergency.  I  am  not,  therefore,  as  well  informed  as  to 
the  fate  of  the  members  of  that  House  of  Assembly  as  of  that 
which  immediately  preceded  it,  consisting,  as  it  did,  of  men  who 
kept  themselves  before  the  public  long  years  afterward. 

The  only  survivors  of  the  members  of  Assembly  of  1825, 
according  to  my  information,  are  Harmon  J.  Quackenboss,  of 
Delaware,  Gustavus  Clark,  and  Thurlow  Weed,  of  Monroe, 
James  R.  Lawrence,  of  Onondaga,  Freeman  Stanton,  of  Scho- 
harie, and  James  De  Mott,  of  Seneca.  When  I  last  saw  Mr. 
Quackenboss,  at  Mechanicsville,  Saratoga  county,  he  was  in 
high  health  and  spirits,  looking  about  as  youthful  as  when  I 
first  saw  him.  His  legislative  experience  was  singular,  having 
at  intervals  of  five  years  represented  three  constituencies.  He 
was  a  member  from  Delaware  in  1825,  from  Greene  in  1830, 
and  from  the  city  of  ]^e\v  York  in  1835.  General  Lawrence, 
of  Syracuse,  though  blind,  is  in  good  health,  otherwise.  Gus- 
tavus Clark,  my  old  friend  and  colleague,  when  I  last  heard 
from  him,  was  in  good  health. 

But  few  of  the  members  of  the  Assembly  of  1825  became 
prominent  in  subsequent  years.  Ambrose  L.  Jordan  was  sub- 
sequently elected  to  the  Senate,  and  many  years  afterward  be- 
came Attorney-General.  He  was  a  distinguished  member  of 
the  bar  of  this  city  for  the  twenty  years  ]3receding  his  death. 
John  W.  Hurlburt,  of  Cayuga,  had  previously  been  a  member 
of  Congress  from  Berkshire,  Mass.  John  Armstrong,  Jr.,  of 
Dutchess,  youngest  son  of  General  Armstrong,  Secretary  of 
War,  under  Mr.  Madison,  and  brother  of  Mrs.  William  B.  As- 
tor,  was  a  young  man  of  tine  talent  and  popular  manners,  to 
whom  a  brilliant  career  opened,  but  he  lacked  industry  and 


42  Selections  fkom  the  Is^ewspapee 

ambition,  and  failed  to  realize  the  hopes  of  his  friends.  Gains 
B.  Rich,  of  Genesee,  became  a  wealthy  banker  at  Buffalo. 
Samuel  L.  Goiiverneur,  of  'New  York,  was  appointed  postmaster 
of  this  city  by  John  Quiney  Adams.  He  was  a  Yirginian  by 
birth,  son-in-law  of  President  Monroe,  and  a  truly  honorable 
and  chivalric  gentleman.  He  returned  many  years  ago  to  Vir- 
ginia, where  he  died  during  the  second  year  of  the  rebellion.  I 
saw  him  at  Washington,  in  1861,  with  a  clouded  brow  and 
saddened  spirit,  but  as  true  to  the  Government  and  as  loyal  to 
the  Union,  as  when  his  clarion  voice  used  to  sound  clear  and 
strong,  always  on  the  right  side,  in  our  halls  of  legislation. 
Samuel  Stevens,  of  Washington  county,  removed  soon  after- 
ward to  Albany,  where  he  became,  and  remained  for  more 
than  twenty  years,  a  distinguished  member  of  the  bar  of  the 
State. 

Of  the  tliirty-two  members  of  the  Senate  of  1825,  the  Hon. 
Heman  J.  Redlield,  of  Batavia,  is  the  only  survivor.  The  next 
surviving  Senator  is  the  Hon.  Alvin  Bronson,  of  Oswego,  who 
retired  in  1821:,  and  who,  like  Mr.  Eedfield,  in  the  enjoyment 
of  good  health,  is  also  enjoying  the  rewards  of  an  enterprising, 
successful,  and  well-spent  life.  Two  members  of  the  Senate  of 
1825,  William  ISTelson,  of  Westchester,  and  John  Cramer,  of 
Saratoga,  after  turning  their  ninetieth  year,  died  in  1870. 

There  was  a  remarkable  breaking  up  or  disruption  of  party 
ties  in  1824.  When  the  Senate  commenced  its  session  on  the 
sixth  of  January,  thirty  of  the  thirty-two  members  were  Demo- 
crats. Archibald  Mclntyre,  of  Montgomery,  was  a  Clintonian, 
and  Jedediah  Morgan,  of  Cayuga,  self-nominated,  was  voted 
for  by  Clintonians.  William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  was  the 
Congressional  Caucus  ISTominee  for  President.  John  Quiney 
Adams  and  Henry  Clay,  although  belonging  to  the  same  party 
that  nominated  Mr.  Crawford,  refused  to  go  into  caucus,  and 
became  independent  Candidates  for  President.  At  the  close 
of  a  stormy  and  exciting  session,  the  Senate  was  politically  di- 
vided as  follows : 

1^07'  Crawford —  Messrs.  Bowne,  Lefferts,  Ward,  Sudam, 
Thorne,  Livingstone,  Dudley,  Wriglit,  Bronson,  Greenly, 
Wooster,  Keyes,  Stranahan,  Green,  Earll,  Eason,  Pedfield, 
Bowman,  McCall.  — 19. 


Aeticles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  43 

For  Adams — ^CTardiner,  Burt,  I^elson,  Mallorj,  Haight, 
Mclntire,  Ljnde,  Ogden,  Burro wes,  Morgan.  — 10. 

For  Clay  —  Wheeler,  Cramer,  Clark.  —  3. 

In  the  final  ballot,  when  Crawford  and  Adams  only  could  be 
voted  for,  Messrs.  Wheeler  and  Cramer  voted  for  the  Crawford, 
and  Mr.  Clark  for  the  Adams  ticket. 

It  will  surprise  the  people,  if  not  the  legislators  of  the  pres- 
ent day,  to  learn  how  simply  and  inexpensively  legislation  was 
conducted  in  1825.  The  officers  of  the  Assembly  of  that  year 
consisted  of  a  Clerk,  a  Deputy  and  Engrossing  Clerk,  Sergeant- 
at-Arms,  a  Doorkeeper,  and  Assistant  Doorkeeper,  and  a  Fire- 
man. Pages  had  not  then  been  invented.  I  will  not  stai-tle 
readers  by  showing  what  an  array  of  subordinates  are  now 
provided  for  in  the  Annual  Supply  Bill.  The  list  of  messen- 
gers and  pages,  to  say  nothing  of  clerks  of  Committees,  post- 
masters, librarians,  etc.,  etc.,  is  fully  equal  in  number  to  one- 
third  of  the  whole  number  of  members.  I  have  seen  this  abuse 
grow  up  from  year  to  year  on  one  S23ecious  pretext  and  another 
to  its  present  enormous  proportions.  I  do  not  know  that  one 
party  is  more  to  blame  than  anotlier.  i^ew  places  are  made 
for  the  relief  of  unfortunate  and  needy  friends.  T.  W. 


THE  POLITICIANS   OF  LOITG  AGO. 

A.  D.  1818-1824. 


mTEKESTIJSTG   KKMINISCENCES    OF    NEW  TOEK    POLITICIAJSTS CUKI- 

OSITIES    OF    LEGISLATIVE    HISTORY,  ETC. 

We  can  scarcely  be  mistaken  in  attributing  the  following 
interesting  chapter  of  personal  and  political  reminiscences  to 
the  pen  of  Thurlow  Weed.  It  appears  in  the  New  Yorh 
Times  : 

"In  showing,  as  we  did  one  day  last  week,  that  ex-Governor 
Throop,  of  this  State,  as  well  as  Chief- Justice  Robinson,  of  Ken- 


44  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

tuckj,  were  surviving  members  of  the  Congress  of  1815,  we  have 
called  out  the  facts  that  Hon.  M.  Thatcher,  of  Maine,  now  ninety- 
five  years  old,  was  a  member  of  Congress  in  1802,  sixty-nine  years 
ago  !  These  instances  of  longevity  of  public  men  are  quite 
interesting.  We  remember  to  have  seen,  two  or  three  years 
ago,  an  item  in  which  it  was  stated  that  Joshua  Dewey,  a  mem- 
ber of  our  State  Legislature  from  Otsego  county,  in  1798,  was 
then  a  resident  of  Brooklyn,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  good 
health.  ITot  being  otherwise  informed,  we  infer  that  he  is 
still  living.  In  looking  through  the  legislative  journals  we  fail 
to  recognize  another  survivor  for  twenty  years,  and  until  the 
session  of  1818,  when  our  respected  fellow-citizen,  Michael 
Ulshoefier,  was  a  member  of  the  Assembly.  David  C.  Judson, 
of  St.  Lawrence,  was  a  member  of  that  Legislature,  and  is  still 
living.  We  believe  that  x\lexander  Hamilton,  a  member  of 
the  Assembly  from  the  city  in  1819,  is  still  living.  Mr. 
Ulshoeffer  was  again  a  member  in  1819.  Elial  P.  Foote,  a 
member  of  the  Legislature  of  1820,  from  Chautauqua,  is,  we 
believe,  now  a  resident  of  IS^ew  Haven,  Conn. 

"  The  Legislature  of  1822  was  the  last  elected  under  the  first 
State  Constitution.  Of  the  delegates  to  the  State  Convention 
of  1821,  by  which  the  second  Constitution  was  framed,  the 
venerable  Samuel  ISTelson,  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  is,  we  believe,  the  only  survivor.  Judge  N^elson 
was  a  delegate  from  the  county  of  Cortland.  That  Convention 
met  just  fifty  years  ago.  Nearly  all  of  the  delegates  were  men 
of  large  experience  in  public  affairs,  and,  consequently,  were 
more  advanced  in  years  than  members  of  the  Legislature.  The 
county  of  Albany,  for  example,  was  represented  by  four  of  the 
most  distinguished  men  in  the  State,  viz. :  James  Kent, 
Ambrose  Spencer,  Stephen  Yan  Rensselaer,  and  Abraham  Yan 
Yechten,  all  of  whom  had  passed  their  fifty-fifth  birthdays. 
Hufus  King,  a  delegate  from  Queens  conn ty,  himself  distin- 
guished in  the  annals  o  our  country,  had  four  almost  equally 
distinguished  sons  (John  A.,  Charles,  James  G.,  and  Edward), 
none  of  whom  survive. 

"  Of  the  members  of  the  Legislature  of  1823,  the  venerable 
Azariah  C.  Elagg  is,  as  far  as  we  are  informed,  the  only  sur- 
vivor. Mr.  Flagg  has  resided  for  many  years  in  London  Ter- 
race, Twenty-third  street,  where,  although  as  blind  as  Belisarius, 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  45 

with  otherwise  uiiimpaired  faculties,  tenderly  cared  for,  he 
glides  smoothly  and  cheerfully  toward  "  that  bourne  "  which 
almost  all  of  his  colleagues  have  reached.  Mr.  Flagg  will 
leave  an  unblemished  record.  He  held  high  and  responsible 
financial  positions,  always  discharging  his  duties  with  pro- 
verbial abihty  and  integrity. 

"In  the  memorable  Legislature  of  1824  —  memorable  for 
its  refusal  to  pass  the  law  giving  the  choice  of  Presidential 
Electors  to  the  people,  and  for  its  removal  of  DeWitt  Clinton 
from  the  office  of  Canal  Commissioner  —  survivors  visibly 
increase.  But  even  now  the  number  is  '  few  and  far  between.' 
John  F.  Hubbard,  of  Chenango,  whose  son  is  now  a  member 
of  the  Senate ;  Azariah  C.  Flagg,  of  Clinton ;  Oran  Follett, 
now  a  resident  of  Sandusky,  Ohio,  and  Samuel  L.  Edwards,  of 
Onondaga,  comprise  the  list. 

"Among  the  members  of  the  Legislature  forty  years  ago,  we 
recognize  several  whose  sons  have  since  become  prominent, 
and  who  are  themselves  approaching  the  '  sere  and  yellow  leaf 
of  life.'  Henry  Seymour,  member  of  the  Assembly  from 
Onondaga  in  1820,  and  of  the  Senate  in  1824,  was  the  father 
of  ex-Governor  Horatio  Seymour.  James  'Nje,  member  of  the 
Assembly  from  Madison  county  in  1818,  was  the  father  of 
James  W.  'Nye,  now  a  United  States  Senator  from  I^evada. 
.  General  Joseph  Kirkland,  a  member  of  the  Assembly  from 
Oneida  county  in  1804,  1818,  1820,  and  1830,  was  the  father 
of  Charles  P.  Kirkland,  Esq.,  now  a  prominent  member  of  the 
bar  of  this  city.  Isaac  Belknap,  a  member  of  the  Assembly 
from  Orange  county  in  1818,  was  the  grandfather  of  the  pres- 
ent Secretary  of  War.  Joseph  D.  Monell,  member  of  the 
Assembly  from  Columbia  county  in  1824,  was  the  father  of 
Judge  Monell,  of  this  city. 

"  Legislation,  like  literature,  has  its  curiosities,  such,  for 
example,  as  that,  in  the  Convention  of  1801,  by  which  our 
first  State  Constitution  was  framed,  Jonathan  G.  Tompkins 
was  delegated  from  Westchester  county,  while  his  son,  Daniel 
D.  Tompkins,  was  a  delegate  from  ISTew  York.  Stephen  Yan 
Rensselaer  and  Abraham  Yan  Yechten,  from  Albany,  were  mem- 
bers of  the  first  and  second  Constitutional  Conventions.  In 
the  Assembly  of  1794,  the  counties  of  Albany,  Dutchess,  and 


46  Selections  fkom  the  ]!!^ewspapee 

New  York  must  have  been  about  equal  in  population,  as  each 
sent  seven  members  to  the  Legislature.  Josiah  Ogden  Ploff- 
man,  so  long  a  distinguished  member  olthe  bar  of  this  city,  was 
a  delegate  to  the  first  Constitutional  Convention  from  the 
county  of  Albany.  Colonel  Aaron  Burr,  the  President  of  that 
Convention,  though  a  resident  of  JSTew  York,  was  elected  from 
Orange  county.  Martin  Yan  Buren,  a  delegate  to  the  second 
Constitutional  Convention,  was,  as  we  have  already  stated,  a 
member  of  the  first  Constitutional  Convention.  Peter  H. 
Wendover,  of  ]^ew  York,  and  Henry  Huntington,  of  Oneida, 
were  delegates  to  the  first  and  second  Constitutional  Con- 
ventions. 

"  In  primitive  times  people  did  not  change  their  representa- 
tives merely  to  give  A,  B,  C,  D,  etc.,  their  turn.  Under  the 
first  Constitution  Mathew  Adgate  represented  the  county  of 
Albany  in  the  Assembly  twelve  consecutive  years ;  Samuel  A. 
Barker  represented  Dutchess  county  twelve  years ;  Kitchell 
Bishop  represented  Washington  county  eight  years ;  Abraham 
Braser,  and  his  son  Philip  (the  turtle-eating  alderman),  i-epre- 
sented  the  city  of  JSTew  York  eight  years  ;  Aaron  Bun- 
represented  the  city  of  ISTew  York  three  years,  and  the  county 
of  Orange  one  year  ;  John  Cantine  represented  the  county  of 
Ulster  sixteen  years ;  Stephen  Carman  represented  the  county 
of  Queens  twenty  years,  being  from  1798  to  1819  ;  Jeremiah 
Clark  represented  the  county  of  Orange  eleven  years ;  Benja- 
min Coe  represented  the  county  of  Queens  ten  years  ;  Adam 
Comstock  represented  the  county  of  Saratoga  twelve  years ; 
Clarkson  Crolius  represented  the  city  of  New  York  twelve 
years.  The  Deitys  —  Adam,  Jost,  and  Johannas  —  repre- 
sented the  county  of  Albany  eighteen  years ;  Abijah  Gilbert 
re]3resented  the  county  of  Westchester  thirteen  years ;  the 
Havens  family  represented  the  county  of  Suffolk  nineteen 
years  ;  David  Hopkins  represented  the  county  of  Washington 
eighteen  years ;  George  Huntington  represented  the  county  of 
Oneida  nine  years ;  David  Kissam  represented  the  county  of 
Queens  thirteen  years.  The  counties  of  Dutchess,  Columbia, 
Westchester,  Albany,  Washington,  and  Montgomery  had  forty- 
seven  representatives  of  the  name  of  Livingston.  Archibald 
Mclntyre  represented  the  county  of  Montgomery  eleven  years ; 
Ebenezer  Purdy  represented  the  county  of  Westchester  eight 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  47 

years  ;  Erastus  Root  represented  the  county  of  Delaware 
eleven  years  ;  C.  C.  Sclioonmaker  represented  the  county  of 
Ulster  thirteen  years.  Alexander  Sheldon,  represented  Mont- 
gomery county  eleven  years,  five  of  which  he  was  Speaker  of 
the  House  ;  Thomas  Thomas  represented  Westchester  county 
thirteen  years  ;  Elisha  Williams  represented  Columbia  county 
eight  years.  Between  the  years  1801  and  1821  there  were  101: 
representatives  in  the  Legislature  from  the  universal  Smith 
family.  T.  W." 


ESTABLISHMEI^T  OF  THE  ALBANY  EYENIKG 
JOUENAL. 

[From  the  Albany  Evening  Journal,  March  33, 1830.] 


A  DAILY  paper;    OPPOSED    TO    FREE    MASONRY,  WILL    ISSUE    FROM 
THE    PRESS  OF  B.  D.  PACKARD    &    CO.,    ON  MONDAY,  MARCH  22d, 

1830. 

The  Journal  will  labor  diligently  and  faithfully  to  vindi- 
cate Republican  principles  and  to  defend  Constitutional  Liberty. 
The  object  of  its  establishment  is  to  aid  in  the  great  work  of 
civil  and  political  reformation  which  the  people  have  taken  in 
nand.  Its  publishers  and  their  immediate  patrons  are  impelled 
to  this  enterprise  by  considerations  which  deeply  aifect  the 
common  interests  and  the  common  welfare  of  the  whole  com 
munity. 

The  Journal  will  aim  to  be  generally  interesting  and  use- 
ful, by  containing,  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  news,  appropriate 
literary  and  scientific  selections. 

The  Journal  will  be  published  daily  at  $8  per  annum,  and 
semi-weekly,  for  the  country,  at  $4:  per  annum,  payable  half- 
yearly. 


The  undersigned.  Members  of  the  Legislature,  deeming  it 
of   great  importance  that  a  daily  and  semi-weekly  paper  de- 


48 


Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 


voted  to  tlie  cause  of  Anti-Masonry,  slioiild  be  established  at 
the  seat  of  government,  and  entertaining  perfect  confidence  in 
the  discretion,  zeal  and  ability  of  the  Publishers  and  Editor  of 
the  Albany  Journal,  earnestly  recommend  that  paper  to  the 
prompt  and  efiicient  support  of  all  the  friends  of  equal  rights 
and  civil  liberty : 


Francis  Granger, 
Timothy  Fitch, 
Abner  Hazletine, 
P.  0.  Fuller, 
Titus  Goodman,  Jr., 
Ezra  Shelden,  Jr., 
Joseph  Randall, 
Calvin  P.  Bailey, 
Stephen  Griswold, 
M.  Fillmore, 
Robert  C.  IS^icholas, 
S.  De  Yeaux, 
Sept's  Evans, 
David  Sill, 
Luther  Chapin, 


Seth  Eddy, 
Wm.  H.  Maynard, 
g.  h.  boughton, 
Albert  H.  Tracy, 
H.  F.  Mather, 
Squire  White, 
John  Dickson, 
John  H.  Tyler, 
Edmund  Hull, 
Daniel  Ashley, 
D.  Russell, 
R.  AViLcox, 
Josiah  Dunlap, 
Samuel  Blain, 
Stephen  Crosby. 


The  embarrassments  incident  to  the  establishment  of  all 
daily  papers  will  be  urged  for  a  season,  in  behalf  of  the  pres- 
ent enterprise,  as  an  apology  for  such  omissions  and  imperfec- 
tions as  are  but  too  likely  to  occur.  The  Journal,  to  use  a 
practical  term,  starts  from  the  stump.  Its  materials  are  all 
new  and  untried.  It  will  require  some  little  time  for  the  per- 
sons engaged  in  its  mechanical  and  intellectual  departments  to 
accustom  and  familiarize  themselves  to  their  appropriate  duties. 
The  space  between  the  annunciation  and  appearance  of  the 
paper  has  been  too  brief  to  enable  its  proprietors  to  avail  them- 
selves of  facilities  and  to  perfect  arrangements,  by  which  they 
hope  to  render  their  sheet  measurably  useful  and  interesting. 

The  public  sentiment  which  spontaneously  demanded  the 
establishment  of  this  journal,  is  pregnant  with  interest  and 
instruction.  The  '"'■  speck''^  which  three  years  since  appeared  in 
the  western  horizon  has  magnified  itself  into  a  mighty  cloud, 


Aeticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  49 

overshadowing  the  whole  State,  and  preparing  to  pour  out 
healthful  showers  to  refresh  and  vivify  the  civil  and  political 
institutions  of  our  country. 

The  ahduction,  imprisonment  and  murder  of  a  citizen,  by  an 
association  of  men  sufficiently  numerous  and  influential  to  hold 
our  Tribunals  of  Justice  at  bay,  naturally  awakened  a  public  in- 
vestigation. The  offenses  were  found  to  have  been  committed 
by  Free  Masons,  for  the  protection  of  their  order.  Further 
investigation  established  the  fearful  fact  that  the  laws  were  too 
feeble  to  vindicate  themselves  against  Masonic  aggression. 
Still  further  inquiry  proved  that  the  Executive,  Legislative, 
Judicial  and  Municipal  departments  of  the  government  were 
then  in  the  hands  of  Free  Masons,  and  under  the  influence  of 
their  institution.  These  startling  disclosures  provoked  a 
searching  investigation  into  the  principles,  tendency  and  aims 
of  the  Masonic  institution.  They  were  soon  unfolded,  and 
found  to  be  utterly  inconsistent  with  private  rights,  and 
fraught  with  irianifold  dangers  to  the  public  welfare. 

In  view  of  these  evils,  threatening  destruction  to  their  dear- 
est rights  and  most  precious  possessions,  the  people  entered 
upon  a  course  of  action  worthy  of  a  country  won  by  valorous 
sires  and  inherited  by  patriotic  sons.  The  entire  overthrow  of 
Free  Masonry  was  firmly  resolved  on.  The  conflict  com- 
menced under  circumstances  of  peculiar  and  poignant  embar- 
rassment. The  people,  before  entering  the  arena,  had  to  carry 
up  and  sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  the  public  good,  their  private 
friendships,  their  social  ties,  and  their  political  attachments. 
They  all  had  friends  or  kindred  associated  with  an  institution 
which  stood  out  in  rebellion  against  the  laws  and  liberties  of 
the  land.  The  path  of  duty,  liowever,  was  too  plainly  indi- 
cated for  good  men  to  hesitate  in  pursuing  it.  But  the  institu- 
tion was  so  strong  in  influence,  numbers  and  w^ealth,  had  so 
won  over  the  public  confidence  and  visited  its  opponents  w^ith 
such  summary  and  tremendous  vengeajstce,  that  it  required 
the  most  constant  and  high-hearted  efforts  of  patriotism  to  up- 
hold the  cause  of  liglit  and  truth. 

The  mode  adopted  by  the  people  to  overthrow  Free  Masonry 
is  at  once  the  most  effective  and  the  least  exceptionable  of  any 
that  could  have  been  resorted  to.     It  accomplishes  a  great  pub- 
lic good,  without  inflicting  any  private  wrongs.     None  suffer 
7 


50  fc? ELECTIONS    FROM   THE    KewSPAPER 

with  Free  Masonry  but  such  as  vohintarilj  elect  to  maintain 
her  cause  and  abide  its  fate.  The  friends  of  the  order  gener- 
ally admit  that  it  is  useless  —  while  its  opponents,  having 
clearly  proved  it  to  be  dangerous,  call  upon  its  thousand  vir- 
tuous members  to  renounce  it  and  place  themselves  upon  an 
equality  with  their  fellow  citizens.  There  is  nothing  of  con- 
straint in  this.  Those  who  prefer  the  swelling  titles,  the  bau- 
ble sceptres,  the  mock  majesty,  and  the  mystic  honors  and 
emoluments  of  Free  Masonry,  to  the  simple,  unostentatious 
duties  of  Republican  citizens  —  who  take  and  obey  her  un- 
earthly oaths,  certainly  have  no  title  to  reproach  the  people  for 
withdrawing  their  confidence  from  the  sworn  subjects  of  an- 
other government. 

There  is  too  much  frankness  in  the  character  of  our  people, 
too  little  guile  in  the  nature  of  our  institutions,  to  tolerate  the 
existence  of  secret  societies.  Studied  secresy  always  awakens 
doubts  and  distrust.  The  country  has  every  thing  to  appre- 
hend, and  nothing  to  hope,,  from  formidable  secret  societies. 
Shame,  vice  and  treason  are  engendered  by  night,  and  woo 
concealment ;  but  Charity,  Science  and  Religion  love  the  light, 
and  seek  to  be  reflected  in  its  rays.  The  ancients  aspired  to  a 
state  of  moral  perfection  which  would  enable  them  to  walk 
with  a  window  in  their  breast.  But  from  this  test  of  heathen 
virtue  the  vaunting  '''•Hand-maid  of  Religion^^  shrinks,  toad- 
like, into  her  dark  and  loathsome  lodge-room,  from  which  the 
genial  light  and  wholesome  air  are  excluded. 

This  paper,  while  laboring  to  disrobe  Free  Masonry  of  its 
assumed  vestments,  and  to  exhibit  it  to  the  world  in  its  own 
garb,  will  aim  to  disabuse  the  public  mind  in  relation  to  the 
origin,  progress  and  purposes  of  anti-Masonry.  The  Masonic 
institution,  when  truly  presented  to  the  understandings  of 
men,  will  be  found  to  be  barren  and  bald  of  all  the  virtues 
and  wisdom  with  which  it  has  been  invested  by  fable  and  tra- 
dition. 

It  is  neither  expected  nor  desired  that  our  accusations  against 
Free  Masonry  should  be  taken  on  trust.  The  Cause  is  at  issue. 
Time  and  truth  must  be  the  arbiter  between  the  people  and  the 
institution  which  they  seek  to  annihilate. 


■\ 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  51 

"  A  GOOD  ENOUGH  MOKGAN." 
A.  D.  1826. 


Thuelow  Weed's  Remestiscences  of  the  Old  Time  Tragedy  — 
Stoet  of  the  Moegan  Muedee  —  A  double  identification 

OF  A  DEOWNED  man WaS  IT  MoEG-AN  OE  MoNROE  ? 

To  the  Editor  of  the  iV^.  Y.  Herald  : 

The  recent  inauguration  of  a  massive  Masonic  Hall  and 
Asylum  in  this  city,  and  the  imposing  demonstration  of  Knights 
Templars  from  various  parts  of  the  Union,  recals  an  event 
in  the  history  of  that  institution  v^hich  occurred  almost  fifty 
years  ago,  and  which  was  iirst  of  local  but  subsequently  of  gene- 
ral importancejmd  excitement.  This  is  known  and  remembered 
as  the  "Morgan  abduction."  Having  been  connected  with 
that  question  as  a  member  of  an  investigating  committee,  and 
as  the  editor  of  an  anti-Masonic  journal,  I  have  been  called  on 
by  the  N'ew  Yorh  Herald  for  information  concerning  the  body 
of  a  man  found  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  alleged  to  be 
that  of  William  Morgan,  but  claimed  afterward  to  be  that  of 
Timothy  Monroe.  The  allegations  of  mutilating  that  body 
and  of  palming  it  off  upon  the  public  for  political  effect  and 
of  boasting  that  it  was  a  "  good  enough  Morgan  till  after  the 
election,"  were  publicly  made,  widely  circulated  and  at  a  dis- 
tance generally  believed.  I  was  painfully  conscious  of  this  in 
meeting  strangers  at  home  and  abroad,  for  more  than  forty 
years.  In  1813,  when  in  London,  by  a  strange  chance  I  lodged 
in  a  hotel  near  Blackfriars  Bridge,  which  had  been  the  ancient 
"  Freemasons'  Tavern  "  and  which  was  then  frequented  by  the 
oldest  London  lodges.  My  presence,  as  I  was  surprised  to 
learn  from  its  host,  was  the  subject  of  inquiry.  While  in  Paris 
a  few  weeks  afterward  I  was  informed  by  my  friend,  B.  Perley 
Poore,  that  my  visit  had  occasioned  some  uneasiness  among 
Freemasons  in  that  city.  I  had  been  repeatedly  informed  by 
gentlemen  in  I^gw  York,  Boston,  Philadelphia,  etc.,  that  until 
their  minds  were  relieved  by  long  and  intimate  acquaintance, 
their  intercourse  with  me  had  been  embarrassed  with  the  early 


62  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

impression  that  I  had,  for  political  effect,  beea  guilty  of  a 
hig'hly  discreditable  act.  Prompted,  therefore,  by  appeals,  first 
in  the  Herald  and  then  in  the  Albany  Argus,  I  determined  to 
furnish  the  facts  and  circumstances  out  of  which  the 

"  GOOD  ENOUGH  MORGAN  " 

accusation  originated.  The  completion  of  this  narrative,  how- 
ever, has  been  unexpectedly  delayed.  In  resuming,  although 
this  question  opens  a  wide  field,  I  will  endeavor  to  compress 
it.  To  do  so  I  must  assume  preliminary  questions  as  fixed 
facts.  In  regard  to  these  fixed  facts  there  will  be  no  contro- 
versy among  those  who  have  made  themselves  acquainted  with 
a  truthful  history  of  that  most  extraordinary  event. 

I  did  not  personally  know  William  Morgan  who,  in  1826, 
was  for  more  than  two  months  writing  his  book  on  Ma- 
sonry in  a  honse  adjoining  my  I'esidence,  at  Rochester. 
When  applied  to  by  Dr.  Dyer,  my  next  door  neighbor, 
where  Morgan  boarded,  to  print  the  book  purporting  to 
disclose  the  secrets  of  Masonry,  I  declined  to  do  so,  believ- 
ing that  a  man  who  had  taken  an  oath  to  keep  a  secret  had 
no  right  to  disclose  it.  Although  not  a  Freemason,  I  had 
entertained  favorable  opinions  of  an  institution  to  which 
Washington,  Franklin  and  Lafayette  belonged.  On  my 
refusal  to  print  his  book  Morgan  removed  to  Batavia,  where  he 
made  the  acquaintance  of  David  C.  Miller,  editor  of  the  Advo- 
cate., also  a  Mason,  who  became  his  publisher.  I  pass  briefly 
over  a  series  of  facts  which  were  judicially  established,  embrac- 
ing the  arrest  of  Morgan,  his  conveyance  to  and  confinement 
in  the  county  jail  at  Canandaigua,  from  which  he  was  released 
and  conveyed  by  night  in  close  carriages  through  Rochester, 
Clarkson,  and  along  the  Ridge  Road  to  Fort  ISTiagai-a,  in  the 
magazine  of  which  he  was  confined.  While  thus  confined  a 
Knight  Templar  encampment  was  installed  at  Lewiston,  and 
while  at  supper,  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  having  been  aroused 
by  speeches  and  wine,  Colonel  William  King,  of  Lockport,  in- 
vited four  men  (Whitney,  Howard,  Chubbuck  and  Garside) 
from  their  seats  at  the  banquetting  table  into  an  adjoining 
apartment,  where  he  informed  them  that  he  had  an  order  from 
the  Grand  Master  (DeWitt  Clinton),  the  execution  of  which 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  53 

required  their  assistance.     This  party  was  then  driven  to  I^iag- 
ara,  reaching  the  fort  a  little  before  12  o'clock. 

THE  MUKDEK  OF  MOEGAJST. 

Upon  entering  the  magazine,  Colonel  King  informed  Morgan 
that  his  friends  had  completed  their  arrangements  for  his  re- 
moval to  and  residence  upon  a  farm  in  Canada.  Morgan 
walked  with  them  to  the  wharf,  where  a  boat  was  held  in  read- 
iness for  them  by  Elisha  Adams,  an  invalid  soldier,  into  which 
the  party  passed  and  rowed  away,  Adams  remaining  to  warn 
the  boat  off  by  signal  if  on  its  return  any  alarm  had  been 
given.  It  was  nearly  2  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  the  boat 
came  back,  having,  as  Adams  expressed  it,  lost  one  man,  only 
five  of  the  six  being  on  board  when  the  boat  returned.  "When 
the  boat  reached  a  point  where  the  ISTiagara  river  empties  into 
Lake  Ontario,  ^  rope  being  wound  aromid  Morgan's  body,  to 
either  end  of  which  a  sinker  was  attached,  he  was  thrown  over- 
board. It  is  due  to  the  memory  of  Governor  Clinton  to  say 
that  Colonel  King  had  no  such  order  and  no  authority  to 
make  use  of  his  name.  It  is  proper,  also,  to  add  that  none  of 
these  men  survive.  John  Whitney,  of  Rochester,  whom  1 
knew  well,  related  all  the  circumstances  connected  with  the 
last  act  in  that  tragedy,  to  me  at  Albany  in  1831,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Simeon  J.  Jewett,  of  Clarkson,  and  Samuel  Barton,  of 
Lewiston. 

FINDING  THE  BODY. 

In  October,  182Y,  more  than  a  year  after  the  abduction  of 
Morgan,  a  body  drifted  on  shore  near  a  small  creek  which 
entered  into  Lake  Ontario.  A  coroner's  inquest  was  held,  and 
a  verdict  rendered  that  it  was  the  body  of  an  unknown  person. 
The  coroner  wrote  out  a  minute  description  of  the  body,  and 
published  it  along  with  the  finding  of  the  jury,  in  an  Orleans 
county  newspaper.  That  description,  attracting  the  attention 
of  persons  well  acquainted  with  Morgan,  excited  considerable 
interest.  The  widow  and  several  intimate  friends  of  Morgan 
seemed  so  confident  that  it  was  his  body  that  the  committee 
appointed  to  investigate  the  abduction  determined  to  hold 
another  inquest,  of  which  public  notice  was  given.  On  the 
day  appointed  some  sixty  or  seventy  people  assembled  at  the 


54  Selections  feom  the  ISTewspaper 

mouth  of  Oak  Orchard  creek,  where  the  body  of  the  unknown 
man  was  interred.  Before  opening  the  grave  Mrs.  Morgan 
and  Dr.  Strong  described  certain  marks  on  Morgan's  body,  by 
means  of  which  it  could  be  identified.  When  the  rude  coffin 
was  opened,  the  body  it  contained  disclosed  the  peculiarities 
described,  and  after  deliberate  examination  the  jurors  declared 
it  unanimously  the  body  of  William  Morgan.  From  this  ver- 
dict no  one  present  dissented,  and  for  a  week  or  ten  days  the 
question  seemed  to  be  settled. 

THE  BODY  CLAIMED  AGAIN. 

Later  in  October  there  came  a  report  declaring  the  body 
to  be  that  of  Timothy  Monroe,  a  Canadian,  who  was  swept  in 
a  small  boat  over  ISTiagara  Falls  eleven  days  previous  to  the 
time  that  the  body  was  washed  ashore  at  the  mouth  of  Oak 
Orchard  creek.  The  remains  in  the  meantime  had  been  taken 
by  Mrs.  Morgan  to  Batavia.  A  third  inquest  was  now  to  be 
held  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  the  claim  of  Mrs.  Monroe. 
A  large  concourse  of  citizens  was  in  attendance.  Mrs.  Monroe 
appeared,  and  gave  a  description  of  her  husband's  person,  and 
of  the  clothes  in  which  he  left  home  on  the  morning  of  the 
day  he  was  drowned.  Previous  to  her  examination  Bates 
Cooke,  Chairman  of  the  Morgan  Investigating  Committee, 
examined  the  clothes  taken  from  the  body  and  carefully  pre- 
served by  the  Coroner,  with  great  minuteness.  This  enabled 
him  to  test  the  accuracy  of  Mrs.  Monroe's  knowledge  and 
memory. 

^Neither  Mrs.  Monroe  nor  any  person  sympathizing  with  her 
or  interested  in  the  identification  of  the  body  as  that  of  Monroe, 
had  access  to  it  or  had  seen  any  of  the  wearing  apparel  of  the 
deceased.  And  yet  Mrs.  Monroe  not  only  gave  a  general  de- 
scription of  each  garment,  but  underwent  a  rigid  cross-exami- 
nation by  Mr.  Cooke  of  more  than  an  hour,  in  which  she  de- 
scribed with  singular  accuracy  every  rent  and  patch  found  in 
each  garment.  She  indicated  buttons  she  had  sewed  on  the 
pantaloons  to  replace  those  lost  which  did  not  match  the  oth- 
ers. She  also  described  one  stocking  which  had  been  darned 
with  yarn  of  a  different  color.  In  a  word,  her  description  of 
the  clothing   was  so  accurate  in  every  particular  as  to  leave  no 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  55 

doubt  that  eacli  article  had  been  under  her  special  care.  But, 
wonderfully  accui'ate  as  she  had  been  on  this  point,  she  was 
most  strangely  wrong  in  her  description  of  the  body,  Monroe 
being  at  least  three  inches  taller  than  the  corpse.  She  de- 
scribed her  husband's  hair  and  whiskers  as  being  coarse  and 
black,  adding  that  his  hair  had  been  cut  quite  short  a  few  days 
before  he  was  drowned,  w^hile  that  upon  the  head  of  the  de- 
ceased was  long,  silky,  and  of  a  chestnut  color.  Monroe's  son 
confirmed  his  mother's  testimony  relating  both  to  the  clothes 
and  the  body.  No  attempt  was  made  to  impeach  either,  nor 
was  there  any  doubt  that  Monroe  had  been  drowned,  as  alleged. 
It  was  difficult  to  reconcile  these  conflicting  statements.  Mrs. 
Monroe  was  as  clearly  right  about  the  clothes  as  she  was  wrong 
about  the  body  that  had  been  found  in  them. 

THE  THIRD  IKQUEST 

resulted  in  finding  that  the  body  previously  adjudged  to  be 
Morgan's  was  that  of  Timothy  Monroe.  There  were  other  cir- 
cumstances connected  with  the  disappearance  of  both  Morgan 
and  Monroe,  assuming  that  both  had  been  drowned  in  Lake 
Ontario,  calculated  to  complicate  the  questions  of  identity. 
The  body  was  found  at  Oak  Orchard  creek  a  full  year  after 
Morgan's  disappearance  ;  of  course  it  could  not  have  been 
drifting  about  that  length  of  time.  It  was  known,  however, 
that  Morgan  was  weighted  heavily  when  thrown  into  the  lake  ; 
and,  two  months  before  that  body  was  found,  the  mouth  of  the 
river  and  that  part  of  the  lake  where  Morgan  w^as  supposed  to 
have  been  thrown  overboard  had  been  thoroughly  raked.  In 
this  way  it  was  supposed  that  the  body  had  been  released  from 
its  weight,  risen  to  the  surface  and  drifted  to  Oak  Orchard 
creek.  Monroe  was  drowned  on  the  25th  or  2Tth  of  Septem- 
ber. The  body  at  Oak  Orchard  creek  was  found  on  the  8th 
day  of  October,  leaving  but  eleven  or  twelve  days  to  drift  a 
distance  of  forty  miles,  where  it  was  found.  It  is  understood 
that  drowned  persons  remain  several  days  under  water.  It 
was  ascertained  by  meteorological  records  that,  during  the  inter- 
val between  Monroe's  death  and  finding  of  the  body  at  Oak 
Orchard  creek,  the  wind  blew  most  of  the  time  up  the  lake. 
Now,  as  there  is  no  current  in  Lake  Ontario,  it  seemed  improb- 


56  Selectiojsts  feom  the  ]^EWSPAPER 

able  that  tlie  body  found  should  be  that  of  Monroe  ;  while  on 
the  other  hand  it  seemed  equally  improbable  that  a  man 
drowned  in  the  latter  part  of  September,  1826,  could  have  been 
found  in  a  tolerable  state  of  preservation  in  October,  1827.  So 
that  there  were  irreconcilable  facts  and  circumstances  connected 
with  this  strange  history. 

Mrs.  Morgan  and  the  intimate  friends  of  Morgan  described 
marks  upon  his  person  before  seeing  that  body,  which  left  no 
doubt  in  the  minds  of  all  present  that  it  was  the  remains  of  her 
husband.  Strangely  enough,  however,  she  repudiated  every 
article  of  clothing  found  upon  the  body.  And  yet  Mrs.  Mon- 
roe, who  came  from  Canada,  readily  described  every  article, 
garment  by  garment,  with  minute  and  startling  accuracy. 
"While,  therefore,  up  to  the  time  that  Mrs.  Monroe  appeared 
there  were  no  just  grounds  for  discrediting  the  correctness  of 
the  second  inquest,  yet  after  the  third  inquest  had  been  held 
at  Batavia  there  was  a  strong  reaction  in  public  opinion.  Al- 
though the  gentlemen  associatted  with  me  in  the  investigation 
were  still  strongly  of  the  opinion  that  the  body  was  that  of 
William  Morgan,  my  own  previously  clear  and  strong  convic- 
tions were  a  good  deal  disturbed.  ]^or  can  I  now,  after  nearly 
iifty  years  of  anxious  inquiry  and  reflection,  say  that  I  am 
satisfied  that  it  was  or  was  not  the  bod}^  of  William  Morgan. 

The  discrepancies  about  hair  and  beard  between  Mrs.  Mor- 
gan and  Mrs.  Monroe,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  third  or 
Batavia  inquest,  induced  those  who  claimed  the  body  to  be 
that  of  Timothy  Monroe,  to  say  that  the  hair  was  pulled  out 
and  the  whiskers  shaven  off  to  make  it  resemble  Morgan.  That 
could  only  have  been  done  in  the  presence  of  between  sixty 
and  seventy  persons,  some  of  whom  were  Democrats  and  others 
Freemasons,  and  yet  all  must  have  seen  and  consented  to  the 
fraud.  The  last  inquest  was  held  only  a  few  days  before  the 
election.  Xo  other  question  entered  into  the  canvass.  The 
excitement  was  greater  than  I  had  previously  or  have  since 
witnessed. 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  "  GOOD  ENOUGH  "  STORY. 

A  few  evenings  before  the  election  I  went  into  a  billiard 
saloon  to  see  my  friend  Gustavus  Clark.     A  number  of  gen- 


Articles  of  Thtjklow  Weed.  57 

tlemen  were  present,  and  among  tliem  Ebenezer  Griffin,  who, 
as  connsel  for  several  persons  indicted  for  the  abduction  of 
Morgan,  had  conducted  the  inquest  at  Batavia.  As  I  was  leav- 
ing the  room  Mr.  Griffin  said :  "  Well,  Weed,  what  are  you. 
going  to  do  for  a  Morgan  now  ?  "  I  replied,  as  I  was  closing 
the  door  :  "  That  is  a  good  enough  Morgan  until  you  bring  back 
the  one  you  carried  away."  This  remark  was  reproduced  in 
the  Rochester  Daily  Advertist^r^  with  an  apparently  slight  but 
most  important  variation,  instead  of  what  I  did  in  fact  say.  I 
was  represented  as  saying,  "  That  is  a  good  enough  Morgan 
until  after  the  election."  What  I  did  say  in  reply  to  Mr.  Griffin's 
question  was  a  proper  response,  while  what  I  was  erroneously 
accused  of  saying  was  highly  discreditable,  and  has  subjected 
me,  at  home-  and  abroad,  for  nearly  fifty  years  to  reproach  and 
obloquy.  Mr.  Dawson,  senior  editor  of  the  Albany  Evening 
Journal,  who  resided  at  Rochester  during  the  Morgan  excite- 
ment, recently  wrote  an  article  on  the  subject,  in  which  he 
said  : 

The  phrase  had  its  origin  something  in  this  wise  :  In  1827, 
a  few  months  after  William  Morgan  disappeared,  the  body  of 
a  drowned  man  was  found  in  lake  Ontario,  near  the  outlet  of 
Oak  Orchard  creek.  It  was  believed  by  many  who  saw  it,  to 
be  the  body  of  the  kidnapped  and  murdered  Morgan,  while 
others  alleged  it  to  be  the  body  of  another  missing  man  —  one 
Timothy  Monroe.  The  latter  met  with  this  difficulty,  how- 
ever :  Monroe  had  whiskers,  this  body  had  not.  But  to  over- 
come this  important  fact  the  then  editor  of  the  Rochester  Ad- 
ve7'tiser  charged  that  Mr.  Weed  had  shaved  off  Monroe's 
whiskers,  and  by  doing  so  had  made  "  a  good  enough  Morgan 
until  after  the  election  "  then  pending.  The  slander  was  in- 
dustriously used  at  the  time,  and  has  been  a  thorn  in  the  side 
of  Mr.  Weed  from  that  day  to  this.  Of  course,  its  repetition 
is  less  irritating  now  than  it  was  forty-eight  years  ago,  but  its 
use  even  as  a  joke  has  always  chafed  Mr.  Weed,  and  his  more 
intimate  friends  were  careful  never  to  allude  to  it  in  his  pres- 
ence. 

Mr.  Dawson's  article  brought  a  correspondent  of  the  Albany 
Argus  "  to  the  front,"  who  not  only  reiterates  the  charge 
against  me,  but  furnishes  what  purports  to  be  an  affidavit  of  the 
person  who  saw  me  commit  the  offense.  The  Argus  corre- 
spondent says : 


58  Selections  fbom  the  ISTewspaper 

"William  Morgan  was  a  man  of  medinm  size,  very  bald,  and 
shaved  his  whiskers  off  even  to  the  top  of  his  ears ;  and  the 
body,  which  was  found  and  called  Timothy  Monroe,  was  six 
inches  longer  than  the  height  of  William  Morgan,  Besides, 
the  face  of  the  body  found  was  covered  with  whiskers,  and  it 
was  said  that  to  make  the  body  found  appear  like  Morgan, 
some  of  the  committee  who  M'ere  sent  to  Oak  Orchard  creek 
to  an  immense  mass-meeting  of  anti-Masons,  among  whom 
were  ThurloAv  Weed  and  his  right  hand  man  Friday,  named 
Jack  Marchant,  had  pulled  out  the  whiskers  and  shaved  the 
face  of  Monroe.  Some  time  after  this,  in  the  fall  of  1827, 
when  anti-Masonry  had  become  rife  in  politics,  Mr.  Weed, 
who  was  younger  then  than  he  is  now  and  quite  poor,  and  de- 
sirous of  making  himself  somebody,  became  the  leader  of  the 
anti-Masonic  party,  and  entertained  much  hatred  and  contempt 
for  all  who  did  not  vote  the  anti-Masonic  ticket,  especially  for 
those  Democrats  wdio  were  not  Masons,  to  whom  he  gave  the 
name  of  "■  Masons'  Jacks."  And  some  Jack  Mason,  as  I  under- 
stood it,  was  rallying  Thurlow  about  his  false  Morgan,  when 
he,  either  jocosely  or  in  earnest,  replied,  "  It  is  a  good  enough 
Morgan  till  after  election."  Such  has  always  been  the  under- 
standing until  the  Journal  contradicted  it,  as  above  stated.  As 
prima  facie  evidence  that  he  did  so,  I  will  relate  a  fact  to 
show  the  animus  of  Thurlow  Weed,  then.  In  the  fall  of  1828, 
General  Jackson  was  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President, 
Martin  Van  Buren  for  Governor,  and  Enos  T.  Throoj)  for 
Lieutenant-Governor.  The  polls  were  open  three  days  in  dif- 
ferent places  in  the  town.  Your  correspondent  was  then  a 
resident  of  Rochester,  and  was  one  of  those  inoffensive  animals 
called  "  Jack  Masons."  At  that  election,  about  four  miles 
southwest  of  Rochester,  the  polls  were  held,  and  our  venerable 
friend,  then  c[uite  young,  to  show  his  ineffable  contempt  for 
Jack  Masons,  led  up  to  the  polls  a  jackass  and  put  a  vote  into 
his  mouth,  and  pushed  its  head  toward  the  window  where  votes 
were  taken  ;  whereupon  your  correspondent  read  in  quite  a  loud 
voice  the  printed  copy  of  an  affidavit,  which  was  in  these 
words  : 

Monro6  County,  ss  —  Zephania  Green,  of  the  town  of  Henri- 
etta, in  said  county,  doth  depose  and  say  that  he  saw  Thurlow 
Weed  pull  out  the  whiskers  of  Timothy  Monroe,  and  Jack 
Marchant  he  did  shave  the  same.  And  further  deponent  saith 
not. 

Sworn  to  before  me,  September,  1827. 

Zephania  Gkeen. 

a  corkection, 

The  Argus  correspondent,  it  will  be  seen,  claims  to  have  had 
personal  knowledge  of  the  matter  about  which  he  writes,  and 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  59 

is  evidently  one  of  those  who  believed,  and  still  believes,  the 
accusations  against  me  to  be  true.  Relying,  as  he  evidently 
does,  on  his  memory,  I  will  not  hold  him  severely  responsible 
for  utterly  misstating  every  material  fact  in  his  article.  The 
election  to  which  he  refers  was  not  held  in  1828,  but  in  1827, 
when  neither  General  Jackson  nor  Martin  Yan  Buren  nor 
Enos  T.  Throop  were  candidates.  The  affidavit  which  he  says 
he  read  aloud  at  the  polls  at  that  election,  is  a  mere  skeleton 
perversion  of  an  afhdavit  which  was  published  in  handbills  and 
freely  circulated,  not  only  at  the  polls  referred  to,  but  through 
out  the  county.  I  preserved  and  still  retain  in  my  possession 
one  of  those  handbills,  of  which  the  following  is  a  literal  and 
exact  copy  : 

William  C.  Green,  being  duly  sworn,  deposeth  and  says  that 
he,  the  said  Green,  with  others,  did  attend  the  poll  of  election 
held  at  Howard's  in  the  town  of  Gates,  in  the  county  of 
Monroe,  and  that  there  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed  did  say  that  he,  the 
said  Thurlow,  did  pull  the  whiskers  from  the  face  of  the  body 
found  at  Oak  Orchard  creek,  and  that  John  Marchant  did 
shave  the  same,  he,  the  said  Thurlow,  being  one  of  the  Morgan 
Committee. 

William  C.  Geeen. 

Subscribed  and  sworn,  this  6th  day  of  November,  1827,  be- 
fore me. 

Samuel  Millek,  J.  P. 

This  affidavit  appeared  in  the  Rochester  Daily  Advertiser 
No^-ember  7,  1827,  and  was  circulated  in  handbill  form  at  the 
polls  the  same  day.  I  preserved  one  of  the  handbills,  from 
which  the  above  is  a  literal  copy.  The  affidavit  is  signed  by 
William  C.  instead  of  Zephania  Green.  Mr.  W.  C.  Green 
swears  that  he  heard  me  say  that  I  "did  pull  the  whiskers  from 
the  face  of  the  body  found  at  Oak  Orchard  creek."  The 
Ar^gus  affidavit  maker,  "  Zephania  Green,"  swears  that  he 
"  saw  me  pull  out  the  whiskers,"  etc.  ISTow,  the  fact  is,  no  such 
affidavit  appeared  or  was  read  at  the  poll  of  the  election  re- 
ferred to  ;  nor,  as  far  as  I  know,  was  there  any  such  man  in 
or  about  Rochester  as  Zephania  Green.  But,  I  did  know  Wil- 
liam C.  Green,  a  Democratic  electioneer,  by  whom,  it  was 
arranged,  I  should  be  followed  and  importuned  with  questions 
about  Timothy  Monroe's  hair  and  whiskers.  The  object  was 
to  keep  me  so   surrounded   and  occupied  as  to  withdraw  my 


60  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

attention  from  the  electors  as  they  came  to  vote.  Discovering 
its  object  I  determined  to  put  an  end  to  the  by-play,  and  when 
asked  by  Green  if  I  pulled  out  Monroe's  whiskers,  I  answered 
affirmatively,  and  to  the  question  "  Who  shaved  the  body,"  I 
replied  "  John  Marchant."  This  turned  the  laugh  against  my 
opponents.  Nobody,  however,  was  misled  by  it,  for  all  re- 
ceived it  as  it  was  intended.  Green's  occupation  was  spoiled 
for  that  day.  On  the  following  morning,  however,  his  affida- 
vit a]3peared  in  the  Daily  Advertiser,  and  was  circulated  free- 
ly at  the  polls.  Green  swore  to  the  truth,  but  in  a  manner  to 
make  truth  a  falsehood.  All  who  heard  me,  including  Green 
himself,  knew  that  it  was  a  joke.  Judge  Miller,  the  then 
young  Justice  of  the  Peace  before  whom  the  affidavit  was 
made,  is  now  a  venerable  citizen  of  New  Haven,  Conn.  I  had 
no  reason  to  complain  and  did  not  complain  of  the  use  made 
of  my  jocose  admission. 

the  other  accusation, 

however,  namely,  of  boasting  that  the  body  found  at  Oak 
Orchard  creek  was  a  "  good  enough  Morgan  till  after  the  elec- 
tion," though  an  utter  perversion,  proved  serious  and  endur- 
ing. My  action  in  reference  to  the  body  in  question  was  in- 
fluenced by  a  sincere  and  earnest  desire  for  truth.  I  realized, 
in  every  step  taken,  the  high  responsibility  of  the  investiga- 
tion. I  knew  that  a  mistake  upon  a  question  of  such  exciting 
and  absorbing  interest  would  react  powerfully.  Thus  im- 
pressed, 1  exerted  myself  personally  to  induce  all  who  knew 
Morgan,  whether  Masons  or  anti-Masons,  Democrats  or  Whigs, 
to  be  present  at  the  second  inquest. 

In  looking  back  upon  an  event  which  occurred  nearly  half  a 
century  ago,  with  the  asperities  and  impressions  which  it  occa- 
sioned allayed  and  corrected,  and  in  view  of  the  embittered 
feeling  existing  between  the  editor  and  proprietor  of  the  Hoch- 
ester  Daily  Advertiser  and  myself,  I  am  free  to  admit  that 
they  had  provocations  which,  from  their  standpoint,  excused 
the  use  of  such  political  weapons  as  they  found  available.  It 
was  a  sort  of  hand-to-hand  conflict,  in  which  I  remember  to 
have  been  unsparing.  The  term  "Mason  Jacks,"  freely  ap- 
plied to  all  who  acted  politically  against  us,  was  a  peculiarly 
offensive  one,  and  most  especially  so  to  the  editor  and  publisher 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  61 

of  the  Advertiser,  neither  of  whom  were  Masons.  Even  now 
it  is  evident  that  the  correspondent  of  the  Argus  has  not  for- 
gotten that  offense.  In  conclusion  I  affirm,  in  the  strongest 
language  and  in  the  broadest  sense,  that  I  acted  in  perfect  good 
faith  throughout  the  investigation  touching  the  body  found  at 
Oak  Orchard  creek,  and  that  I  have  truthfully  repeated  a  play- 
ful and  innocent  reply  to  a  question  out  of  which  grew  the  un- 
founded charge  of  boasting  that  it  was  a  "  good  enough  Mor- 
gan until  after  the  election,"  under  the  odium  of  which  I  have 
rested  forty-eight  years. 

It  may  not  be  out  of  time  or  place  to  add  that  in  this  case 
it  is  not  too  late  to  "  vindicate  the  truth  of  history." 

The  then  editor  of  the  Rochester  Daily  Advertiser  is  now 
a  resident  of  this  city.  He  was  as  actively  and  warmly  op- 
posed as  I  was  devoted  to  the  cause  of  anti-Masonry.  He  was 
familiar  with  the  question  from  the  beginning  to  the  end. 

I  have  never  conversed  with  him  on  the  subject,  nor  do  I 
know  what  his  impressions  are,  but  if  he  is  in  possession  of 
evidence  either  that  I  mutilated  the  body  in  question  or  boasted 
that  it  was  a  "  good  enough  Morgan  until  after  the  election," 
he  will,  doubtless,  regard  this  a  fitting  occasion  to  produce  it. 

T.  W. 

Augtist  6,  1875. 


THE  GEEAT   "  WEBSTER  DINNEE." 

LN.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser,  Marcli  18,  1871.] 


A  Brief  History  of  the  Kent  and  Hone  Clubs. 

The  late  Mr.  Philip  Hone,  an  old  merchant  prince  and  a  for- 
mer Mayor  of  our  city,  is  remembered  by  all  who  enjoyed  his 
acquaintance,  not  only  as  eminent  among  those  who  laid  the 
foundations  of  our  commercial  prosperity,  but  as  a  gentleman 
of  refinement  and  culture,  who,  during  his  long  life,  was  the 
center  of  attraction  in  all  literary  and  social  circles.     The  very 


02  Selections  fkom  the  I^ewspapee 

mention  of  his  name  to  those  who  were  familiar  with  JSTew  York 
society,  from  the  year  1820  to  1850,  brings  up  a  w^orld  of  pleas- 
ant memories.  The  article  recently  published  in  the  Commer- 
cial Advertiser,  giving  a  brief  account  of  a  public  dinner  to 
Mr.  Webster  in  1831,  has  elicited  the  following  letter  : 

]^ew  York,  March  3. 

My  Dear  Me.  Weed  :  Like  many  others,  I  was  much  inter- 
ested in  the  publication,  over  your  initials,  a  few  days  since,  of 
the  names  of  the  subscribers  to  the  great  Webster  dinner  of 
March  24,  1831,  and  surprised  to  find  that  my  father's  (Mr. 
Philip  Hone)  name  was  not  among  them  ;  so  I  referred  to  his 
Manuscript  J ournal,  of  which  1  have  thirty-two  volumes,  and 
under  the  impression  that  his  account  of  this  dinner  would  be 
of  interest  to  you,  my  daughter  made  the  inclosed  copy. 

Yours,  very  truly, 

RoBT.  L.  Hone. 

Thuelow  Weed,  Esq. 

[Extract  from  Philip  Hone's  Journal.] 

Thursday,  March  24,  1831. 

A  splendid  dinner  was  given  this  day  by  a  number  of  our 
citizens  to  the  Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  for  his  able  defense  of  the 
Constitution.  The  company  consisted  of  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  of  the  most  respectable  persons  in  the  city.  Chan- 
cellor Kent  presided,  with  Treasurers  Jay,  Grreeneray,  and  John 
Hone  as  Yice-Presidents.  The  following  were  the  regular 
toasts  : 

1.  The  supremacy  of  the  Law  —  "  To  which  all  our  homage ; 
—  the  very  least  as  feeling  its  use,  and  the  greatest  as  not 
exempt  from  its  power." 

2.  The  President  of  the  United  States. 

3.  The  Governor  of  the  State  of  ISTew  York. 

4.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  monument  of 
our  Country's  Wisdom  —  the  Instrument  of  its  Safety,  its  Lib- 
erty and  its  Greatness. 

5.  The  Judiciary  of  the  United  States,  a  co-ordinate  branch 
of  the  Government  —  every  patriot  will  support  and  defend  it 
in  the  exercise  of  its  constitutional  power. 

6.  Our  Guest  —  Daniel  Webster  —  to  his  Talents  we  owe  a 
most  triumphant  vindication  of  the  Great  Principles  of  the 
Constitution. 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  63 

7.  The  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States. 

8.  John  Marshall,  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States. 

9.  The  memory  of  Washington. 

10.  "  Our  Country,  our  whole  Country,  and  nothing  but  our 
Country." 

11.  The  progress  and  triumphs  of  the  Pacific  Arts  — 
developing  the  Resources  and  concentrating  the  power  of  the 
Republic 

12.  The  great  Contest  of  the  age  —  Liberty  against  Despot- 
ism, success  to  every  struggle  to  meliorate  the  condition  of 
man. 

13.  "  The  glorious  Ensign  of  our  Republic,  known  and  hon- 
ored throughout  the  Earth  —  its  motto,  Liberty  and  Union, 
now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable." 

The  sixth  and  eighth  toasts  were  introduced  by  the  President 
with  appropriate  remarks  in  his  best  manner.  They  were 
excellent,  and  in  singular  good  taste. 

After  the  applause  which  followed  the  sixth  had  subsided, 
Mr.  Webster  arose,  and  made  an  address  of  an  hour  and  a  half 
which  no  one  who  heard  it  will  ever  forget.  It  was  patriotic, 
fervent,  eloquent,  imbued  with  no  party  violence,  purely  Ameri- 
can, it  was  "  our  Country,  our  whole  Country,  and  nothing  but 
our  Country."  There  were  many  tine  things  in  it.  [  remarked 
most  particularly  the  following  beautiful  train  of  metaphor. 
The  orator  in  portraying  the  character  of  Hamilton,  eulogized 
his  exertions  to  raise  the  credit  of  the  country  in  its  day  of 
peril,  and  the  system  of  finance  which  he  established,  and  said  : 
"  He  struck  the  flinty  Rock,  and  copious  streams  of  Revenue 
flowed  from  it.  He  touched  the  lifeless  corpse  of  public  credit, 
and  it  sprang  upon  its  feet,  a  living  Body  —  the  fabled  birth  of 
Minerva  was  not  more  sudden  than  that  of  the  system  of 
finance  which  his  head  produced." 

Chancellor  Kent  gave  the  following  volunteer  : 

"  Massachusetts  —  we  know  her  History  by  Heart" 

I  gave  "  that  part  of  our  delegation  in  the  last  Congress  who 
stood  up  nobly  for  the  Constitution,  and  determined  by  their 
votes  that  not  only  should  no  question  be  taken  on  the  Consti- 
tution, but  that  the  Constitution  should  be  unquestioned.''''  I 
gave  also  the  following,  with  some  prefatory  remarks,  alluding 
to  a  report  which  had  prevailed,  that  Judge  Marshall  was  about 
resigning  in  consequence  of  ill  health,  which  report  had  been 


64  Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 

contradicted  only  this  day.  "  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  may  the 
Ermine  never  be  cast  from  his  shoulders,  until  a  Daniel  comes 
to  judgment." 

Our  Commercial  Metropolis  about  the  period  of  that  dinner 
to  Mr.  Webster,  and  for  several  years  afterward,  was  unosten- 
tatiously, but  eminently  intellectual  and  social.  The  various 
professions,  whether  commercial,  judicial,  medical,  or  divine, 
were  i"epresented  by  men  of  rare  enterprise,  profound  knowl- 
edge, recognized  skill  and  science,  along  with  gifted  eloquence 
and  practical  piety.  In  the  various  departments  of  material 
and  intellectual  progress  required  to  produce  combined  results, 
there  were  men  who  stood  up  confessedly  head  and  shoulders 
above  their  fellows.  Indeed,  there  were  "  giants  among  us  in 
those  days."  These  elements  found  their  highest  forms  of 
expression  in  the  Kent  and  Hone  Clubs. 

The  Kent  Club  was  formed  at  the  residence  of  Peter  A.  Jay, 
in  December,  1836,  and  the  number  of  members  limited  to 
forty-five.  It  was  an  Association  of  lawyers,  designed  for 
intellectual  improvement  and  social  enjoyment.  The  follow 
ing  is  a  list  of  the  original  members  of  the  Kent  Club  : 


David  B.  Ogden, 

Peter  A.  Jay, 

Samuel  Stevens, 

Seth  P.  Staples, 

Frederick  Depeyster,* 

Hugh  Maxwell,* 

William  Kent, 

Beverly  Robinson, 

John  Duer, 

Robert  Sedgwick, 

Thomas  L.  Ogden, 

Dudley  Selden, 

Eichard  Eay  Ward,* 

Francis  Griffin, 

James  W.  Gerard,* 

Ogden  Hoffman, 

Daniel  Lord, 

William  H.  Harrison, 

Richard  M.  Blatchford,* 

J.  Prescott  Hall, 

Thomas  L.  Wells,* 

Isaac  A.  Johnson, 

Murray  Hoffman,* 

Elijah  Paine, 

William  Samuel  Johnson, 

*George  Griffin, 

John  Slosson, 

Matthew  C.  Patterson, 

Edward  Curtis, 

George  C.  Goddard,* 

Abel  T.  Anderson, 

Hiram  Ketchum, 

James  I.  Roosevelt,  Jr.,* 

William  M.  Price, 

Francis  B.  Cutting, 

Charles  O'Connor,* 

James  Campbell, 

Charles  A.  Clinton, 

William  Betts,* 

Josepli  Blunt, 

Robert  Emmet,* 

Thatcher  T.  Payne. 

The  survivors  are  thus  (*)  indicated. 


Aeticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  65 

Chancellor  Kent  was  made  an  honorary  member.  The 
Judges  of  the  United  States  Circuit  and  District  Courts,  the 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  Yice-Chancellors,  the  Re- 
corder, the  Circuit  Judge,  with  the  Judges  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas,  were  made  ex  officio  members  of  the  Club. 

The  Club  met  punctually  every  Saturday  evening,  at  half- 
past  seven  o'clock,  at  the  residence  of  its  respective  members, 
in  accordance  with  a  programme  designating  the  places  of 
meeting  for  the  first  year.  At  supper,  but  two  dishes  other 
than  oysters  were  allowed.  Fruit,  coffee,  and  tea,  but  no  ice 
creams  or  confectionery  were  served.  Each  member  was  per- 
mitted to  introduce  one  stranger.  It  was  my  good  fortune  to 
be  frequently  received  as  a  "  stranger "  at  these  ever-to-l)e- 
remembered  Kent  Club  meetings.  On  these  occasions  the  best 
thinkers  of  this  and  of  neighboring  cities  were  brought  together. 
Conversation,  though  interesting  and  animated,  was  never  loud 
or  excited.  I  can  remember  as  if  it  were  but  of  yesternight, 
how  the  words  of  wisdom  used  to  drop  from  the  lips  of  Kent, 
Duer,  Ogden,  Jay,  Maxwell,  O'Connor,  etc.,  and  how  immensely 
the  quiet  but  true  wit  and  humor  of  Robert  Emmet,  Ogden 
Hoffman,  J.  Prescott  Hall,  William  Kent,  etc.,  used  to  be 
enjoyed.  I  remember  to  have  attended  the  meetings  of  the 
Kent  Club,  at  the  residences  of  William  Kent,  Samuel  Stevens, 
Richard  M.  Blatchford,  William  S.  Johnson,  Francis  B.  Cut- 
ting, Dudley  Selden,  J.  Prescott  Hall,  David  B.  Ogden,  and 
Elijah  Paine, 

The  Hone  Club  was  formed  October  22,  1838,  at  a  dinner 
given  by  Mr.  John  Ward,  at  his  house  in  Bond  street,  to  ten 
gentlemen.  It  was  there  arranged  to  dine  at  each  other's 
houses  every  Monday,  at  five  o'clock.  The  host  was  allowed 
to  invite  four  gentlemen  outside  of  the  club. 

The  club  consisted  at  first  of  Philip  Hone,  in  honor  of 
whom  it  was  named,  and  who  was  its  President,  Moses  H. 
Grinnell,  John  Ward,  George  Curtis,  Prescott  Hall,  R.  M. 
Blatchford,  Simeon  Draper,  Roswell  L.  Colt,  William  G.  Ward, 
James  Bo  wen,  Charles  H.  Russell,  Samuel  Jaudon,  and  Edward 
Curtis.  The  following  four  gentlemen  were  subsequently 
elected  members  of  the  club,  viz. :  John  Duer,  Thomas  Tile- 
ston,  Paul  Spofford,  and  James  Watson  Webb.  These  gentle- 
9 


66  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

men,  all  prominent  Whigs,  had  been  actively  engaged  for 
many  years  in  an  exciting  struggle,  Mdiich  resulted  finally,  in 
1838,  in  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  Albany  Regency.  At 
the  first  meeting  of  the  club  after  its  organization,  Daniel 
Webster  and  William  H.  Seward  were  chosen  honorary  mem- 
bers. The  club  was  dissolved  soon  after  the  death  of  Mr. 
Hone,  in  1851. 

In  1842  the  club  purchased  a  portrait  of  Daniel  Webster, 
painted  for  them  by  Healy,  which  adorned  Mr.  Hone's  dining- 
room  until  his  death,  when  it  was  raffled  for  by  the  club  while 
dining  at  Mi*.  Tileston's.  An  incident  connected  with  this  first 
raffle  is  well  remembered.  Each  member  threw  the  dice  three 
times.  There  were  three  ties.  Mr.  Spofibrd  and  Mr.  Jaudon 
each  threw  31.  Mr.  George  Curtis  and  J.  Prescott  Hall,  34 
each.  R.  L.  Colt  and  J.  W.  Webb,  35  each ;  R.  M.  Blatch- 
ford,  36.  While  waiting  for  an  absentee  (Edward  Curtis), 
Mr.  Blatchford  was  regarded  sure  of  the  prize.  Finally,  Mr. 
Curtis  not  appearing,  Mr.  Hugh  Maxwell,  being  present,  was 
requested  to  throw  the  dice  for  Mr.  Curtis,  with  the  following 
remarkable  results :  14,  15,  15 — 44.  After  the  death  of  Mr. 
Curtis,  the  picture  was  again  raffled  for  and  won  by  Mr.  Blatch- 
ford, whose  dining-room  it  still  graces.  It  is  a  circumstance 
often  remarked  upon,  that  the  picture  should  have  been  twice 
won  by  Mr.  Webster's  two  most  intimate  and  cherished  friends. 

The  departed  members,  iii  many  respects  remarkable  men, 
were  eminently  such  as  self-made  and  successful  business  men, 
and  pre-eminent  in  their  hospitalities.  They  not  only  enter- 
tained bountifully,  but  added  a  peculiar  zest  to  their  inimitable 
dinners  by  the  charm  of  their  conversation.  You  inhaled  at 
their  tables  an  atmosphere  so  charged  with  intelligence  as  to 
inspire  all  present.  Your  host  was  not  only  the  centre  of  rep- 
artee, but  the  cause  of  it  in  others. 

Mr.  Hone  was  distinguished  for  his  intelligence  and  enter- 
prise as  a  merchant,  for  his  public  spirit  and  liberality  as  a  citi- 
zen, and  for  his  exact  observance  of  all  the  principles  which 
characterize  men  of  integrity  and  honor.  In  person  and  man- 
ner he  strongly  resembled  the  late  Sir  Robert  Peel,  so  long 
the  accomplished  premier  in  the  British  Cabinet.  His  hospi- 
talities were  munificent  and  refined.     His  dinners,  like  himself, 


Akticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  67 

are  remembered  as  possessing  all  the  accessories  and  conforming 
to  all  the  proprieties  of  the  palmiest  condition  of  social  life. 
These  dinners  were  always  animated  and  joyous.  Indeed,  it 
could  not  be  otherwise  at  an  entertainment  over  which  Mr. 
Hone  presided,  for 

"  A  merrier  man, 
Within  tlie  limit  of  becoming  mirth, 
I  never  spent  an  hour's  talk  withal ; 
His  eyes  beget  occasion  for  his  ivit ; 
For  every  object  that  the  one  doth  catch 
The  other  turns  to  a  mirth-moving  jest." 

Mr.  Tileston  served  a  regular  apprenticeship  to  the  printing 
business,  but  formed  a  copartnership  with  Mr.  Spofford  more 
than  fifty  years,  ago,  commencing  business  with  a  capital  con- 
sisting solely  of  industry,  integrity,  and  enterprise,  and  rising 
step  by  step  until  they  attained  the  iirst  rank  among  the  ship- 
ping houses  of  the  world.  It  is  pleasant  to  remember  that  I 
enjoyed  the  friendship  and  hospitalities  of  these  departed  mer- 
chant princes  nearly  forty  years. 

Geoi'ge  Curtis,  the  first  cashier  of  the  Bank  of  Commerce, 
while  attending  diligently  and  acceptably  to  his  financial  duties, 
was  as  diligently  storing  and  enriching  his  mind  with  the 
treasures  of  knowledge  and  literature.  He  was  a  quiet  but 
delightful  companion  at  all  social  gatherings.  His  mantle  rests 
gracefully  upon  his  still  more  gifted  and  universally  known 
son,  George  William  Curtis. 

Edward  Curtis  was  distinguished  for  the  depth  and  strength 
of  his  understanding.  He  was  intellectually  a  "  solid  man." 
I  was  intimately  associated  with  him  politically,  personally,  and 
socially,  from  1835  until  he  died ;  and  can  say  truthfully  that 
I  have  never  known  a  man  possessing  a  greater,  if  an  equal 
degree  of  political  common  sense,  tact,  and  efficiency.  These 
qualities,  to  which  zeal  and  fidelity  were  added,  commended 
Mr.  Curtis,  at  an  early  day,  to  the  regard  and  confidence  of 
Daniel  Webster.  All  the  poetic  ideas  of  friendship  were  real- 
ized in  the  endeaiing  relations  which  grew  up  between  these 
two  men.  There  were  no  bounds  to  the  affection  Mr.  Web- 
ster entertained  for  Mr.  Curtis,  no  limits  to  the  confidence  he 
reposed  in  his  judgment.     In  every  thing  that  affected  or  con- 


68  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

cerned  Mr.  Webster's  political  aspirations,  the  judgment  of 
Edward  Curtis  was  conclusive.  When  Mr.  Webster  should 
speak,  and  what  he  should  say  upon  great  public  questions, 
depended  largely  upon  the  opinion  of  his  friend.  How  often 
have  I  listened  admiringly  to  conversations  between  them  when 
views  deferentially  suggested  by  Mr.  Curtis  were  confidingly 
accepted  and  acted  upon  by  Mr.  Webster.  On  one  occasion, 
when  not  only  Mr.  Webster  but  Mr.  Curtis  had  been  beguiled 
too  far  into  the  support  of  the  compromises  of  1850,  I  learned 
through  Mr.  Philo  S.  Shelton,  of  Boston,  that  Mr.  Webster 
was  about  to  make  a  political  speech  in  Massachusetts,  the 
character  of  which,  as  foreshadowed  by  my  friend,  caused  much 
uneasiness.  In  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Curtis,  my  information 
as  to  the  character  of  Mr.  Webster's  contemplated  speech  was 
confirmed.  I  also  learned  from  Mr.  G.  that  the  topics  to  be 
discussed  and  the  ground  to  be  taken  had  been  carefully  con- 
sidered, I  startled  Mr.  Curtis  by  declaring  with  much  empha- 
sis that  such  a  speech  would-  bring  reproach  and  ruin  upon  the 
political  character  and  fortunes  of  Mr.  Webster ;  that  in  fact 
he  might  date  his  departed  power  and  usefulness  from  the  day 
and  hour  of  its  delivery.  After  half  an  hour's  conversation 
and  refiection,  Mr.  Curtis  became  so  far  satisfied  with  the  views 
presented  as  to  take  the  first  conveyance  to  Boston,  with  the 
intention  either  of  sqi"ielching  the  meeting  or  of  suppressing 
the  objectionable  features  of  the  embryo  speech.  But  there 
,  was  several  hours  detention'of  the  Sound  steamer,  so  that  Mr. 
Curtis  only  reached  Boston  to  encounter  Mr.  Webster  on  his 
way  to  the  hall,  where  a  large  audience  had  already  assembled. 
All,  therefore,  was  lost.  Mr.  Curtis  listened  with  apprehen- 
sion and  sorrow  to  sentiments  which,  twenty-four  hours  previ- 
ously, from  a  different  standpoint,  he  had  approved.  It  was  in 
that  ill-omened  speech  that  Mr.  Webster  inquired  "  Where 
shall  I  go  ? "  Unhappily  for  Mr.  Webster,  his  friends  and  the 
country,  the  answer  to  his  question,  after  the  delivery  of  that 
speech,  was  a  matter  of  little  or  no  importance.  Politically, 
the  great  constitutional  lawyer  and  statesman  who  had  ren- 
dered eminent  services  to  the  government  and  the  people, 
ceased  to  be  a  power  in  the  land.  Mr.  Curtis  was  never  like 
himself  after  the  sun  of  Mr.  Webster's  glory  began  to  decline 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  69 

J.  Prescott  Hall  was  a  deservedly  eminent  member  of  the 
New  York  bar.  How  he  attained  and  sustained  his  high  char- 
itcter  and  position  as  a  lawyer,  were  questions  which  always 
perplexed  me.  He  gave  so  much  of  his  time  and  expended  so 
much  thought  upon  almost  every  other  conceivable  occupation, 
that  I  could  not  understand  how  or  when  he  found  time  to 
read  and  to  keep  himself  up  in  his  profession.  He  knew  all  about 
fishes  and  fishing  ;  he  was  an  enthusiastic  sportsman  ;  in  court 
he  was  dry,  clear-headed,  and  luminously  posted,"  while  at  tiie 
dinner  table  he  possessed  such  a  fund  of  various  information 
and  conversed  with  such  wondrous  familiarity  upon  questions 
of  science,  literature,  theology,  mechanism,  the  drama,  etc.,  etc., 
as  to  induce  a  belief  that  he  was  even  better  fitted  for  useful- 
ness in  either  of  those  departments  than  as  a  lawyer.  Indeed, 
I  have  heard  an  animated  discussion  upon  a  medical  question 
between  Mr,  Hall  and  Dr.  J.  W.  Francis,  in  which  the  latter 
was  floored,  but  not  silenced.  An  English  gentleman,  with 
whom  I  was  dining  in  London  many  years  ago,  inquired 
whether  I  was  acquainted  with  Mr.  J.  Prescott  Hall,  and  then 
went  on  to  tell  me  how  immensely  Mr.  Hall  enjoyed  "  the 
Derby,"  and  with  what  reluctance-he  was  constrained  to  deny 
himself  the  pleasure  of  attending  some  other  races,  adding  that 
he  supposed  that  Mr.  Hall  was  the  owner  of  some  of  the 
best  blooded  race  horses  in  America !  In  literature,  how- 
ever, Mr.  Hall  had  the  bad  taste  not  to  admire  Dickens.  In 
frequent  conversations,  I  failed  to  extort  from  him  a  word  of 
approval  for  the  most  striking  beauties  in  the  works  of  an 
author  who  is  to  raiil^.second  to  Shakespeare.  He  even  refused 
to  recognize  the  first  chapter  of  "  Bleak  House  "  a  wonderfully 
truthful,  graphic,  and  scathing  exposition  of  the  delays,  abuses, 
and  consequent  miseries  inflicted  upon  suitors  by  the  court  of 
chancery.  Mr.  Hall's  residence  in  Bond  street  was  the  seat  of 
a  generous  and  genial  hospitality.  His  mantle,  professionally 
and  socially,  rests  gracefully  upon  the  shoulders  of  his  student 
and  junior  partner,  William  M.  Evarts. 

A  few  doors  from  the  residence  of  Mr.  Hall  in  Bond  street 
was  that  of  John  Ward,  another  deceased  member  of  the  Hone 
Club,  the  memory  of  whose  virtues,  by  all  who  knew  him  well, 
is  fondly  cherished.     The  mention  of  his  name  brings  back  to 


70  Selections  from  the  ]N^ewspapee 

the  mind's  eye  his  manly  form  and  kindly  greetings.  It  seems 
but  as  yesterday  that  I  was  shaking  his  honest  hand.  Without 
disparagement  to  others,  for  there  are  many  to  whom  the 
appellation  belongs,  John  Ward  was  known  as  the  "  honest 
broker."  His  dinners,  like  himself,  were  unostentatious,  but 
bountiful,  served  simply,  but  in  order.  His  ample  joint  of 
beef,  like  his  well-fed  turkey,  was  roasted  to  a  turn,  while  hig 
rotund  Princess  Bay  oysters  were  unimpeaehably  fried.  His 
sherry  and  his  champagne  and  his  Madeira  (for  he  seldom 
introduced  "thin  potations")  were  of  the  best.  The  hearty 
manner,  the  quiet  but  cheerful  conversation,  the  radiant  coun- 
tenance and  beaming  eyes  of  our  host  had  a  cheery  effect  upon 
his  guests.  And  I  am  quite  sure  that  no  man  ever  rose  from 
John  Ward's  table  without  feeling  that  -the  occasion  had  been 
alike  pleasant  and  profitable. 

Simeon  Draper,  a  prominent  member  of  the  Hone  Club 
then  resided  at  'No.  10  Warren  street.  Though  politically, 
personally,  and  socially  intimate  and  identified  with  Mr.  Ward, 
and  always  warm  friends,  yet  in  manner  no  two  men  could 
be  less  alike.  Mr.  Draper  was  impulsive  and  demonstrative. 
With  the  advantages  of  a  fine  person,  good  conversational  pow- 
ers, and  a  ready  wit,  his  genial  presence  and  cheerful  voice 
imparted  life  and  spirit  to  the  numerous  social  circles  of  which 
he  was  ever  a  welcome  guest.  But  it  was  not  at  club  dinners, 
nor  at  the  dinners  of  his  numerous  friends,  that  Mr.  Draper 
appeared  at  his  best.  It  was  at  the  head  of  his  own  table,  sur- 
rounded by  his  estimable  family  and  a  few  chosen  friends,  that 
"  Bichard  was  himself."  On  these  occasions  his  cheerfulness 
and  humor  seasoned  the  dishes  and  flavored  the  wines.  jSText 
to  the  luxury  of  eating  a  canvass-back  duck,  was  that  of  seeing 
one  gracefully  carved  by  Mr.  Draper. 

Mr.  Boswell  L.  Colt  resided  in  Park  Place.  He  was  a 
widely  known,  highly  enterprising,  and  universally  respected 
merchant  and  manufacturer.  In  1808  or  '9  two  New  England 
boys  (George  Peabody  and  Roswell  L.  Colt),  the  former  from 
Massachusetts  and  the  latter  from  Connecticut,  with  a  fair  com- 
mon school  education,  struck  out,  as  was  then  the  habit  of  ISTew 
England  boys,  into  the  world  to  make  their  fortunes.  One 
became  the  clerk  of  Mr.  Elisha  Bio^gs,  of  Georgetown,  D.  C, 


Aeticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  71 

and  the  other  of  Mr.  Oliver,  of  Baltimore.  Toward  the  close 
of  the  war  of  1812,  Mr.  Oliver  sent  young  Colt  to  Europe  to 
purchase  depreciated' American  securities  and  to  lay  in  a  large 
stock  of  goods  for  shipment  by  the  first  vessels  that  should 
leave  England  upon  the  restoration  of  peace.  These  trusts 
were  so  successfully  executed  that  Mr.  Oliver  not  only  took 
young  Colt  into  partnership,  but  gave  him  his  daughter  in 
marriage ;  and  finally,  when  Mr.  Oliver  died,  Mr.  Colt  con- 
ceived himself  as  eminently  fortune's  favorite,  by  inheriting  the 
well-chosen  varieties  of  old  Madeiras,  protected  by  dust  and 
cobwebs  in  the  wine-vault  of  his  father-in-law.  The  large  and 
valuable  property  at  Paterson,  K.  J.,  was  purchased  by  Mr. 
Colt,  in  England,  in  1811. 

JSTo  man  enjoyed  social  life  with  a  keener  relish  than 
Roswell  L.  Colt.  The  dinners  in  Park  Place,  in  this  city, 
and  the  visits  at  his  spacious  and  splendid  mansion  in 
Paterson,  by  the  members  of  the  Hone  Club  and  numer- 
ous other  friends,  are  among  the  last  things  to  be  forgot- 
ten —  dinners  and  visits  which  were  frequent  during  the 
whole  of  Mr.  Colt's  life-time.  I  remember,  on  one  occasion,  to 
have  been  present  together  with  Mr.  Hone,  Mr.  Grrinnell,  Mr. 
Blatchford,  General  Bowen,  General  Webb,  Edward  Cur- 
tis, Charles  King,  Governor  Seward,  etc.,  etc.,  at  a  dinner  given 
by  Mr.  Colt  to  ex-President  John  Quincy  Adams.  Madeira 
wines  had  not  then  gone  out  of  fashion.  Indeed,  except  a 
glass  of  hock  with  the  oyster  on  his  half-shell,  a  glass  of  sherry 
after  soup,  and  champagne  with  meats,  Madeira  was  the  staple 
during  and  after  the  dessert.  Gentlemen  who  on  these  occa- 
sions passed  the  largest  number  of  approved  brands,  such  as 
"  Essex,  Jr.,"  "  Donna  Gama,"  "  Bingham,"  "  Pvapid,"  "  Re- 
serve," "  Farquhar,"  "  Benefactor,"  "  Butler,"  "  March  and 
Benson  of  1809,"  "  Black  Cork,"  etc.,  etc.,  excited  the  admira- 
tion, if  not  the  envy,  of  their  neighbors.  At  this  dinner,  Mr. 
Colt,  after  the  cloth  had  been  removed,  -produced  fourteen  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  delicious  old  Madeiras,  and  the  circumstance 
which  occasioned  general  surprise  was,  that,  as  the  different 
wines  passed  quietly  around  the  table  unannounced,  the  pecu- 
liarly delicate  taste  of  Mr.  Adams  enabled  him  to  name  eleven 
of  them ! 


72  Sklections  from  the  jSTewspapee 

The  morning  and  meridian  of  Mr.  Colt's  life,  so  bright  and 
cheerful,  so  prosperous  and  happy,  was,  it  is  painful  to  remem- 
ber, destined  in  its  evening  to  a  sad  change.  Twenty-three 
children  had  been  born,  and  grew  up  under  what  was  in  early 
life,  regarded  as  a  home  distinguished  for  its  domestic  harmo- 
nies and  happiness ;  but  late  in  life  discords  arose  and  a  sepa- 
ration ensued,  Mrs.  Colt,  with  some  of  the  children,  residing  in 
Europe,  while  Mr.  Colt,  with  a  larger  number  of  the  flock, 
remained  in  America. 

During  the  interval  of  twenty  years  since  the  subsidence  of 
the  Kent  and  Hone  Clubs,  I  have  seen  much  of  social  life  in 
its  best  aspects,  both  at  home  and  abroad.  I  have  enjoyed  the 
hospitalities  of  the  best  and  most  distinguished  families  in  Lon- 
don, Paris,  Brussels,  Rome,  etc.,  without  finding  either  a  higher 
intelligence  or  more  refinement  than  characterized  those  asso- 
ciations. Indeed,  I  have  no  memory  of  equal  intellectual 
enjoyment,  except  at  dinners  at  Cruttenden's,  in  Albany,  when 
most  of  the  members  of  the  Kent  Club,  together  with  Elisha' 
Williams,  Thomas  J.  Oaldey,  Judge  Yan  ISFess,  Francis  Granger, 
John  Gregg,  Myron  and  Orville  L.  Holley,  Aldei'man  Brasher, 
Charles  L.  Livingston,  Peter  P.  Livingston,  Pobert  Tillotson, 
John  Suydam,  etc.,  etc.,  were  present,  Mr.  Cruttenden  himself, 
the  prince  of  hosts,  presiding.  The  thing  most  of  all  to  be 
regretted  in  social  life  is  that  the  history  of  those  inimitable 
dinners  remains  unwritten. 

Perhaps  I  ought  also  to  except  the  dinners  of  Mr.  Joseph 
Gales  at  Washington,  who,  in  his  palmy  days,  drew  around  his 
most  hospitable  table  the  intellectual  giants  and  jewels  of  the 
Republic.  At  those  dinners,  from  1824  and  the  several  ensu- 
ing years,  although  Webster  and  Clay,  and  Marshall  and  South- 
ard, and  Mangum  and  Everett,  and  Granger  and  Seaton,  etc., 
etc.,  were  present,  all  felt  that  the  dinner  and  the  wines,  rich 
and  delicate  as  they  were,  lacked  something  of  their  inspiration, 
if  by  chance  the  seat  of  Matthew  St.  Clair  Clarke  was  vacant. 
Perhaps,  also,  if  I  had  known  Philadelphians  as  well  as  I  knew 
'New  Yorkers,  I  might  have  found  the  "  Wistar  parties " 
equally  enjoyable.  T.  W. 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed,  73 

STAGE-COACH     TRAYELING    FORTY-SIX    YEARS 

AGO. 

[From  the  Galaxy  for  May.] 

A.  D.  1870. 


A    CHAPTER    FROM    MR.    THURLOW    WEED  S  AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 

Yerj  few  of  our  citizens  possess  information,  other  than 
traditional,  of  the  mode  of  travel  between  Albany  and  the 
western  part  of  l^ew  York  even  as  late  as  1824.  Those  who 
step  into  a  railway  car  at  Albany  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  step  out  to  get  their  dinner  in  Rochester  at  two  o'clock 
p.  M.,  will  find  it  difficult  to  believe  that  with  the  memory  of 
by  no  means  the  "oldest  inhabitant"  it  required,  in  muddy 
seasons  of  the  year,  seven  nights'  and  six  days'  constant  travel- 
ing in  stages,  to  accomplish  the  same  journey. 

And  yet,  that  was  my  own  experience  in  April,  1824.  We 
left  Albany  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  traveled  dili- 
gently for  seven  nights  and  six  days.  The  road  from  Albany 
to  Schenectady,  with  the  exception  of  two  or  three  miles,  was 
in  a  horrible  condition  ;  and  that  West  of  Schenectady,  until 
we  reached  "  Tripes  "  or  "  Tribes  Hill,"  still  worse.  For  a  few 
miles,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Palatine  Church,  there  was  a 
gravelly  road,  over  which  the  driver  could  raise  a  trot ;  but  this 
was  a  luxury  experienced  in  but  few  localities,  and  those  "  far 
between."  Passengers  walked,  to  ease  the  coach,  several  miles 
each  day  and  each  night ;  although  they  did  not  literally  carry 
rails  on  their  shoulders,  to  pry  the  coach  out  of  ruts,  they  were 
frequently  called  upon  to  use  rails  for  that  purpose.  Such 
snail-paced  movement  and  such  discomforts  in  travel  would  be 
regarded  as  unendurable  now.  And  yet  passengers  were 
patient,  and  some  of  them  even  cheerful,  under  all  those  delays 
and  annoyances.  That,  however,  was  an  exceptional  passage. 
It  was  only  when  we  had  "  horrid  bad "  roads  that  stages 
"  drew  their  slow  leno;ths  alono^." 

But  stage-coach  traveling  had  its  bright  as  well  as  its  dark 
aspects.     I  will  endeavor  to  reverse  the  scene.    Take,  for  illus 
tration,  an  early  September  day.     The  coach  leaves  Roches- 
10 


7-i  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

ter  after  breakfast  in  the  morning,  with,  if  a  fall  complement, 
nine  passengers  inside,  and  two  on  the  box  with  the  driver.  At 
Pittsford  and  Mendon  and  Yictor,  where  the  stage  stops  to 
change  the  mail  and  water  the  horses,  a  lady  or  boy,  but  usually 
a  lady,  comes  with  a  basket  of  peaches,  of  which  the  j^assen- 
gers  are  invited  to  partake,  but  for  which  they  ar&  not  per- 
mitted to  pay,  except  in  thanks.  At  Canandaigua,  a  beautiful 
village,  then  rejoicing  in  a  greater  number  of  distinguished 
men  than  are  now  to  be  found  in  any  interior  city  of  our  State, 
we  get  dinner;  and  the  dinners  at  ''  Blossom's,"  as  all  who  ate 
them  will  remember,  were  dinners,  indeed.  To  prove  what  I 
say  in  relation  to  the  distinguished  residents  of  Canandaigua,  I 
will  name  Gideon  and  Francis  Granger  (postmasters-general 
under  Madison,  in  1812,  and  Harrison,  iii_184'0) ,  JSTathaniel  W. 
Howell,  John  Gregg,  John  C.  Spencer,  Myron  Holley,  Oliver 
Phelps,  Dudley  Marvin,  Henry  B.  Gibson,  Jared  Wilson,  Mark 
H.  Sibley,  etc.,  two  or  three  of  whom  are  almost  certain  to 
become  our  fellow  passengers.  Peter  Townsend  and  Joseph 
Everingham  are  highly  intelligaut  young  merchants  from  New 
York  city,  who  have  lately  established  themselves  there. 
George  H.  Boughton,  subsequently  a  State  Senator  and  Canal 
Commissioner  from  Lockport,  was  then  a  merchant's  clerk 
at  Canandaigua.  There  were  others,  if  not  wits  themselves, 
the  occasion  of  wit  iu  others.  To  this  class  SpieriGeer  Chopin^ 
who  mawkishly  affected  the  Scottish  accent,  and  Judge  Atwater 
belonged.  When  a  prisoner  was  on  trial  for  an  attempt  to 
break  open  Judge  Atwater's  mansion,  the  Judge  himself  be- 
came a  witness.  His  manner  was  deliberate,  and  his  lano'uao'e 
pedantic.  He  stated  that  he  was  awakened  at  the  "  witching 
time  "  of  night  by  an  unusual  noise  ;  that  on  listening  atten- 
tively he  became  satisfied  that  burglars  were  attempting  to 
enter  his  castle;  that  he  assumed  an  erect  position  on  his  bed, 
and  at  that  particular  moment  "  Bose  "  spoke.  Dudley  Mar- 
vin, the  prisoner's  counsel,  rose,  and  with  quaint  solemnity 
said :  "  May  it  please  the  court,  I  am  not  a  little  surprised 
that  the  witness,  himself  an  eminent  jurist,  who  on  other  occa- 
sions graces  the  seat  which  your  Honor  now  occupies,  should 
so  far  forget  the  law  of  evidence  and  the  gravity  of  a  charge 
which  affects  the  liberty  of  iny  client,  as  to  proceed  in  this  most 
irregular  manner.     No  pei'son  knows  better  than  my  distin- 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  75 

guished  friend,  Judge  Atwater,  that  the  testmionj  he  is  giving 
is  wholly  irregular.  If  it  is  important  that  this  court  and  jury 
should  know  what  '  Bose '  saw  and  heard  on  the  night  of  this 
alleged  burglary,  '  Bose '  himself  must  take  the  witness's  stand. 
'Bose'  is  no  stranger;  we  all  know  him  as  sagacious,  observ- 
ing, and  vigilant."  This  produced  an  irresistible  outbreak, 
involving  the  audience,  the  har,  the  jury,  and  the  court  in 
roars  of  laughter.  And  when,  after  an  interval  of  several 
moments,  order  was  attempted  to  be  restored,  it  was  found 
quite  impracticable  to  proceed,  and  the  case  was  actually 
laughed  out  of  court.  Here  we  find,  as  fellow-passengers,  Mr. 
Wadsworth  or  Major  Spencer,  of  Geneseo,  Mr.  Ellicott  or  Mr. 
Evans, .  of  Batavia,  Mr.  Coit,  Major  J.  Gr.  Camp,  or  E..  B. 
Heacock,  of  Buffalo,  General  Porter,  of  Black  Rock,  General 
Paine,  of  Ohio,  and  others,  who  arrive  in  the  stage  from 
Buffalo. 

Leaving  Canandaigua,  we  are  driven  through  a  charuiing 
series  of  agricultural  landscape  to  Geneva,  sixteen  miles,  where 
we  have  a  view  of  its  beautiful  lake,  a  lake  not  unlike  or  un- 
worthy of  its  equally  beautiful  namesake  in  Switzerland.  At 
Geneva  either  Joseph  Fellows,  a  land  agent,  Henry  D wight,  a 
banker,  or  Mr.  Prouty,  a  merchant,  is  pretty  sure  to  join  us. 
From  Geneva  to  Waterloo,  four  miles,  seems  but  a  turn  of  the 
kaleidoscope,  and  the  distance  from  Waterloo  to  Seneca  Falls 
is  gotten  over  in  no  time.  At  Seneca  Falls,  the  chances  are 
at  least  one  to  two  that  we  are  joined  by  Colonel  Mynders, 
who  is  going  over  to  Auburn  to  visit  his  friend  Judge  Miller. 

The  drive  over  Cayuga  Bridge,  more  than  a  mile  in  length, 
was  always  pleasurable  and  interesting.  Some  one  would 
remark  how  much  it  was  to  be  regretted  that  a  lake  so  large 
should  be  of  so  little  practical  value,  not  being  used  for 
purposes  of  navigation  or  inhabited  by  fish  of  any  value.* 
Looking  ITorth,  we  discern  the  Montezuma  marshes,  where ' 
Comfort  Tyler  failed  to  n.anufacture  salt ;  while  a  Southerly 
view,  though  you  do  not  actually  see,  directs  your  attention  to 
the  beautiful  village  of  Aurora,  near  the  head  of  the  lake,  then 
the  residence  of  Jethro  Wood,  Humphrey  Howland,  Ebenezer 
Burnham,   Ephraim  Marsh,  etc.,  and  now  of    the   Morgans, 

*  Cayuga  Lake  is  bow  inhabited  by  excellent  fish,  and  navigated  by 
steam  and  canal  boats. 


76  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

wealthy  and  reputable  merchants ;  also  of  William  H.  Bogart, 
the  veteran  Senate  reporter,  and  the  "Sentinel"  letter-writer 
of  the  New  York  Courier  and  Enquirer^  and  New  Yorh 
Worlds  a  gentleman  who  has  been  for  more  than  thirty  years 
about  the  Legislature  without  becoming  obnoxious  to  charges 
of  improperly  interfering  with  legislation.  Here,  too,  resides 
in  palatial  splendor,  Henry  Wells,  who,  more  than  thirty-five 
years  ago  "  solitary  and  alone,"  with  a  single  carpet-bag, 
founded  and  inaugurated  what  is  now  the  American  Mer- 
chants' Union  Express  Company.  I  first  knew  Mr.  Wells 
more  than  forty  years  ago,  teaching  boys  "  how  not "  to  stutter. 
My  only  son  was  one  of  his  pupils.  But  though  he  cured 
others,  he  could  not  cure  himself.  Mr.  Wells  still  lives 
to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  prosperity,  and  may  he  live  long  and 
happily,  for  I  have  known  few  men  more  worthy  of  prosperity. 
A  few  miles  from  Aurora,  beautifully  situated  upon  the  lake^ 
shore,  is  a  valuable  farm,  purchased  many  years  ago  by  Moses 
H.  Grinnell,  one  of  the  merchant  princes  of  the  city  of  N^ew 
York,  for  some  relatives,  who  reside  there. 

When  finally  over  the  long  bridge,  we  discuss  Thomas  Mum- 
ford,  a  lawyer  residing  at  the  end  of  it,  and  Colonel  Goodwin, 
a  worthy  tavern  keeper,  midway  between  Cayuga  Bridge  and 
Auburn.  And  during  the  many  years  that  I  was  accustomed 
to  travel  in  stages  between  Cayuga  and  Auburn,  I  cannot 
remember  the  time  that  some  one  of  the  passengers  did  not 
amuse  the  coach  by  relating  an  incident  that  occurred  to  Mr. 
John  C.  Spencer  several  years  before.  The  coach  drove  up  to 
the  hotel  at  the  end  of  the  bridge,  to  water  the  horses.  It  was 
a  dark,  rainy,  cold  evening.  The  stage  was  full  inside  and  out. 
A  lady,  closely  veiled,  came  to  the  steps,  who  was,  as  the 
keeper  of  the  hotel  said,  very  anxious  on  account  of  sickness  in 
the  family  where  she  resided,  to  get  to  "  Goodwin's "  that 
evening.  The  passengers  said  it  was  impossible,  as  there  were 
already  nine  of  them  inside.  But  Mr.  Spencer,  prompted  by 
his  sympathies  or  his  politeness,  as  it  was  but  four  miles, 
thought  a  lady  ought  not  to  be  refused  a  passage,  and  offered, 
if  she  chose  to  accept  it,  a  seat  on  his  lap.  The  offer  was  ac- 
cepted, the  lady  took  her  seat,  and  the  stage  dashed  off.  At 
"  Goodwin's  tavern,"  where  the  lady  got  out,  a  light  was 
brought  to  enable  her  to  find  a  part  of  her  luggage,  and  when 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  Y7 

she  removed  her  veil,  a  very  ebony  colored  individual  of  the 
female  gender  was  -revealed,  to  the  consternation  of  Mr.  Spen- 
cer, and  the  amusement  of  the  other  passengers  ! 

At  Auburn  we  rest  for  the  night,  having  made  sixty-four 
miles.  In  the  evening,  the  magnates  of  the  village  wonld  drop 
into  the  hotel  bar-room  to  gossip  with  the  stage  passengers. 
There  were  no  sitting  or  drawing  rooms  at  hotels  in  those  days ; 
nor  could  a  single  lodging  room,  or  even  single  bed,  be  ob- 
tained. In  country  inns,  a  traveler  who  objected  to  a  stranger 
as  a  bedfellow  was  regarded  as  unreasonably  fastidious.  Noth- 
ing was  more  common,  after  a  passenger  had  retired,  than  to  be 
awakened  by  the  landlord,  who  appeared  with  a  tallow  candle, 
showing  a  stranger  into  your  bed. 

The  leading  men  of  Auburn  were  Judge  Miller,  John  H. 
and  E.  S.  Throop  (since  Governor),  IsTatbaniel  Garrow,  Parlia- 
ment Broiison,  etc.  William  H.  Seward  had  commenced  his 
professional  and  public  life  at  Auburn  one  year  before.  Genial 
"  Kit  "  Morgan  was  at  Yale  College. 

In  the  morning  the  stage  was  off  between  daylight  and  sun- 
rise. The  passengers  refreshed  themselves,  enjoyed  a  view  of 
refreshed  and  invigorated  nature,  to  which  the  rising  sun 
soon  begun  to  impart  light  and  life.  The  canal  was  attracting 
business  and  population.  The  stage  had  just  begun  to  run 
over  the  Northern  or  New  Turnpike,  leaving  the  villages  of 
Skeneateles,  Marcellus,  Onondaga,  West  Hill,  Onondaga  Hol- 
low and  Jamesville,  on  the  line  of  the  old  turnpike,  to  a  pro- 
cess of  decay  which  lias  rendered  them  almost  obsolete.  I 
ought  to  have  remarked  that  at  Auburn,  passengers  always 
dreaded  an  acquisition  to  their  number  in  the  person  of  Mr. 
Wood,  who  weighing  some  four  hundred  pounds,  and  inconven- 
iently broad  across  the  shoulders  and  transom,  made  the  coach 
every  way  uncomfortable.  As  a  sleeper  and  snorer  he  would 
compare  favorably  with  any  one  of  "  the  seven."  For  ten  or 
fifteen  miles  there  was  little  of  ontside  interest  to  talk  about. 
In  passing  through  Camillus,  the  richly  cultivated  farms  and 
large  granaries  of  the  brothers  Squii-^,  David  and  Nathan 
Munro  attracted  attention,  and  some  one  would  be  pretty  sure 
to  remark  that  "  the  Munros  nbt  only  owned  the  best  farms  in 
the  town  themselves,  but  had  mortgages  on  all  their  neighbors' 


78  Selections  from  the  ISTewspapek 

farms,"  which  was  true.  Our  approach  to  stage-houses  and 
post-offices  was  announced  by  the  blowing  of  a  tin  horn  or 
trumpet,  with  more  or  less  skill,  by  the  driver.  This  drew  to- 
gether a  crowd  of  idlers,  with  ,this  difference  between  Kew 
York  and  many  parts  of  Europe,  that  instead  of  beleaguering 
the  coach  with  imploring  appeals  for  charity,  our  visitors  would 
generally  present  us  with  some  choice  fruit. 

At  Syracuse,  twenty -five  miles  from  Auburn,  we  breakfasted. 
Syracuse,  then,  as  now,  was  a  marvel  in  the  suddenness  and 
rapidity  of  its  growth.  And  here  my. story  came  in.  I  had 
worked  in  the  Onondaga  furnace  in  1811  and  1812,  and  re- 
membered having  gone  through  what  was  now  the  flourishing 
village  of  Syracuse,  with  six  or  seven  thousand  inhabitants, 
when  it  was  a  tangled  and  almost  -impenetrable,  swamp, 
thickly  inhabited  by  frogs  and  water-snakes.  Indeed,  the 
swamp  foliage  was  so  thick,  and  darkened  the  atmosphere  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  owls,  mistaking  day  for  night,  could  be 
heard  hooting.  Upon  the  locality  over  which  the  now  large 
and  beautiful  city  of  Syracuse  has  extended,  there  was  in  1811 
but  one  human  habitation  ;  that  was  "  Cossett's  Tavern,"  near 
the  site  of  the  presejit  Syracuse  House.  At  the  western 
boundary  of  the  swamp,  on  the  creek  which  empties  into  the 
lake,  there  was  a  small  grist-mill  and  two  log  cabins.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1812,  soon  after  the  declaration  of  war  with  England, 
a  letter  was  written  by  the  Secretary  of  the  JSTavy  (Dr.  Eustis), 
showing  how  lamentably  that  Cabinet  Minister's  geographical 
education  had  been  neglected.  Captain  Woolsey,  who  com- 
manded the  United  States  brig  Oneida,  was  ordered  to  proceed 
from  Oswego  to  Onondaga,  there  to  take  on  board  the  cannon 
ball  manufactured  at  the  Onondaga  furnace  for  the  govern- 
ment !  *  And  this  incident  reminds  me  of  another,  and  one 
which  at  this  day  will  be  regarded  almost  as  incredible  as  the 
order  of  the  Secretary  of  the  ]^avy ;  for,  while  ships  were  un- 
able to  ascend  the  rifts  and  falls  of  the  Oswego  river,  salmon 
did  make  their  way  from  Lake  Ontario  through  the  Oswegc 
river  and  the  Onondaga  lake  into  the  Onondaga  cree^,  and 
were  killed  two  miles  south  of  the  city  of  Syracuse.     I  remem- 

f  This  is  paralleled  by  the  supply  of  tanks  for  holding  freaJi  water,  sent 
from  England  for  the  English  vessels  of  war  built  at  Kingston  during  the 
war  of  1812. 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  79 

ber  well  of  being-  attracted,  in  the  spring  of  1811,  to  Wood's 
mill-dam,  by  torches  flitting  below  the  dam  in  the  creek. 
Arriving  at  tlie  spot  I  saw  Onondaga  Indians  with .  clubs, 
svatching  for  and  killing  salmon  as  they  were  seen  making 
their  way  over  the  rifts.  I  joined  in  the  sport,  and  came- out 
with  a  fine  salmon  as  my  share  of  the  spoils.  I  carried  my 
salmon  to  Mr.  Joshua  Forman  (then  a  lawyer  in  Onondaa^a  Hol- 
low, subsequently  the  inventor  and  father  of  Syracuse),  for 
which  he  paid  me  a  large,  round,  bright  silver  dollar ;  this 
being  my  exact  recollection  of  a  coin  which  was  of  more  value 
to  me  then,  and  was  a  source  of  higher  gratification  than  the 
receipt  of  thousands  of  dollars  in  after  years.  I  then  spoke 
of  Judge  Asa  Danforth,  indicating  his  residence  in  the  Hol- 
low, who  ^vas  the  first  white  inhabitant  of  Onondaga  county. 
This  led  me  to  speak  of  Eleazer  Webster,  a  white  boy  cap- 
tured by  the  Onondaga  Indians,  during  the  Eevolutionary  war, 
in  the  Mohawk  valley.  Young  Webster,  as  he  grew  up,  like 
Joseph  among  the  Egyptians,  grew  in  favor  with  the  Indians. 
Before  white  inhabitants  reached  that  part  of  the  State,  young 
Webster  had  been  made  a  chief  of  the  Onondaga  nation,  and 
had  married  a  daughter  of  an  old  chief,  and  received  as  her 
bridal  portion  a  mile  square  of  the  lands  belonging  to  the 
Onondaga  nation.  Mr.  Webster  continued^  to  reside  with  his 
Indian  wife,  and  to  act  as  a  chief  of  the  tribe  long  after  the 
county  was  organized  and  settled  by  white  inhabitants.  In 
1808  or  1809  Governor  Tompkins  appointed  Mr.  Webster 
agent  of  the  State  to  receive  and  disburse  the  money  paid  an- 
nually to  the  Onondaga  nation.  ~    - 

He  was  subsequently  appointed  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  and 
Judge  of  the  County  Court.  After  the  death  of  his  Indian 
wife,  in  1810  or  1811,  he  married  an  intelligent  and  reputable 
white  lady,  with  whom  he  was  living  happily  when  I  last  heard 
of  him,  with  children  by  both  wives  growing  up  in  harmony 
and  affection.  Mr.  Webster  was  a  man  of  good  sense,  good 
habits,  and  good  character,  enjoying  alike  the  respect  and  con- 
fidence of  his  white  and  red  neighbors  and  acquaintances. 

After  breakfast,  we  leave  Syl^acuse  and  drive  rapidly  on  to 
Manlius  Square,  where  passengers  were  always  warmly  wel- 
comed at  the  stage  house  b_y  its  host.  Colonel  Elijah  Phillips, 


so  Selections  fkom  the  JNewspapek 

one  of  six  brothers,  all  men  of  mark,  of  whom  I  shall  have  occa- 
sion to  speak  hereafter.  Mrs.  Phillips,  an  estimable  lady,  was 
the  daughter  of  Judge  Danforth,  and  the  first  white  child  boi-n 
in  the  county  of  Onondaga.  Manlius  was  the  residence  of 
Azariah  Smith,  a  merchant  remarkable  for  his  enterprise,  activ- 
it}',  industry,  and  integrity.  He  had  a  greater  and  more  vaiied 
capacity  for  business  than  any  other  man  I  have  ever  known. 
He  was  many  years  supervisor  of  the  town,  doing  not  only  his 
own  business  thoroughly,  but  the  business  of  almost  every  mem- 
ber of  the  Board  of  Supervisors.  As  a  member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, his  time  and  talents  were  severely  taxed.  Though  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Claims  and  a  member  of  two  or  three 
other  working  committees,  while  discharging  all  their  duties 
promptly,  he  found  leisure  and  was  always  ready  to  do  the 
work  of  fifteen  or  twenty  idle  or  incompetent  members  from 
other  counties.  He  was  also  an  administrator  or  executor  of 
such  of  his  neighbors  as  left  property  requiring  attention. 

If,  as  the  horn  blew  for  passengers  to  take  their  seats,  John 
Meeker  did  not,  at  the  last  moment,  make  his  appearance,  some 
one  would  express  their  surprise  at  his  absence.  John  Meeker 
was  an  extraordinary  man.  He  owned  and  cultivated  three  or 
four  of  the  largest  farms  in  the  towns  of  Fompey,  Tully,  and' 
Preble.  He  had  stores,  not  only  in  those  three  towns,  but  in 
Fabius,  Homer,  and  Manlius,  managed  under  his  personal 
supervision  by  clerks.  He  always  sold  produce  at  the  lowest 
prices  for  cash,  or  on  approved  credit.  He  paid  the  highest 
prices  in  cash  or  goods  for  black  salts,  and  for  pot  and  pearl 
ashes.  He  had  an  ashery  as  an  appendage  to  each  of  his  stores. 
He  went  frequently  to  Albany  and  New  York  to  purchase  goods. 
He  was  an  uneducated  man,  with  the  appearance  and  in  the 
costume  of  a  common  farmer.  With  all  these  establishments, 
spreading  over  so  large  a  surface,  it  will  be  apparent  that  Mr. 
Meeker  w^as  a  man  of  extraordinary  business  talents ;  but  when 
people  have  so  many  irons  in  the  fire,  some  of  them  will  inevi- 
tably burn,  while  others  as  inevitably  get  cold  ;  and  in  the' 
end,  like  many  others  who  overtrade,  John  Meeker  "  came  to 
grief." 

In  passing  through  the  JSTorth  corner  of  the  town  of  Fompey, 
Fompey  Hill  would  be  suggested  as  the  residence  of  Henry 


Ajbticles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  81 

Seymour,  a  capable  Canal  Commissioner  (and  father  of  ex-Gov- 
ernor Horatio  Seymour).  Yictory  Birdseye,  an  eminent  law- 
yer and  equally  eminent  statesman,  also  resided  at  Pompey 
Hill.  There,  too,  Samuel  S.  Baldwin,  a  flash  lawyer  and  fast 
gentleman,  resided.  He  married  Juliana,  a  daughter  of  Judge 
Peter  W.  Yates,  who  enjoyed  a  wax-work  celebrity  in.  Trow- 
bridge's Museum  as  the  "  Albany  beauty."  Judge  Yates, 
when,  in  the  early  years  of  the  present  century,  he  resided  at 
Albany,  occupied,  if  he  did  not  erect,  the  mansion 'subsequently 
owned  by  James  Kane,  and  successively  occupied  by  Governors 
Tompkins,  Clinton  and  Seward. 

From  Manlius  we  passed  through  Eagle  Yillage  to  Canaser- 
aga  Hollow,  where  the  chances  were  in  favor  of  picking  up 
General  J.  J.  M.  Hurd,  of  Cazenovia,  a  merchant  with  agree- 
able manners,  who  went  to  Albany  and  ISTew  York  to  purchase 
goods  as  often  as  was  convenient,  he  evidently  fancying  that 
part  of  his  business.  In  ascending  a  hill,  eastward,  the  stage 
stops  at  tlie  suggestion ,  of  some  passenger,  who  invites  the 
others  to  go  with  him  a  few  rods  from  the  road  and  look  at  an 
immense  petrified  tree,  lying  upon  the  surface,  and  perfect,  ex- 
cept where  it  had  been  broken  to  gratify  the  curiosity  of  vis- 
itors, each  of  whom,  of  course,  cai'ried  away  a  specimen.  A 
few  miles  further  east  brought  us  to  Quality  Hill,  where  pas- 
sengers always  jDromised  themselves  enjoyment  at  the  expense 
of  a  most  polite,  obsequious,  and  goochnatured  tavern  keeper. 
Mr.  "Webb  (for  that  was  his  name)  was  truly  an  original.  In 
deportment,  if  he  had  lived  in  London:,  and  been  a  dancing 
master  instead  of  keeping  a  hotel  on  Quality  Hill,  he  might 
have  rivaled  Turveydrop ;  in  his  zeal  to  preserve  the  credit  of 
his  house,  and  his  tact  in  concealing  meagerness  of  Kis  larder, 
Caleb  Balderstone  might  have  taken  lessons  with  advantage 
from  our  host  ,of  Quality  Hill.  Here,  in  all  probability,  one  of 
the  numerous  family  of  Spencers  would  be  added  to  our  list 
of  passengers,  among  the  survivors  of  whom  I  only  know  Mr. 
Julius  Spencer,  s,  most  worthy  man  and  an  essential  fixture  in 
the  Albany  ofiice  of  the  ISTew  York  Central  Pailroad.  Proceed- 
ing eastward,  and  after  rising  Breakneck  Hill,  we  came  to  the 
Oneida  Castle,  the  residence  of  the  Oneida  tribe  of  Indians. 
These  Indians,  long  surrounded  by  white  inhabitants,  had 
emerged  from  their  savage  habits  and  customs,  and  were  enjoy- 
11 


82  Selections  feom  the  InTewspapee 

iiig  the  advantages  of  civilization.  These  advantages  consisted 
in  loafing  about  taverns  and  groceries,  and  in  drinking  bad 
whisky.  Fall  two-thirds  of  the  tribe  had  ceased  to  hunt,  or 
to  fish,  or  to  cultivate  their  lands,  than  which  none  more  fertile 
were  to  be  found  in  the  State.  Large  numbers  of  both  sexes 
were  idling  about  the  tavern,  all  or  nearly  all  of  them  endeav- 
oring to  sell  some  trinket  for  the  purpose  of  buying  whisky. 
This  process  of  demoralization  went  on  until  the  few  who  did 
not  die  prematurely  were  induced  to  emigrate  beyond  the  Mis- 
sissippi. After  leaving  the  Castle,  the  passengers  would  talk 
of  the  devotion  of  E.ev.  Mr.  Kirkland  to  the  Oneida  In- 
dians, of  the  eloquence  of  Shenandoah,  one  of  their  aged 
chiefs,  and  of  a  French  officer,  Colonel  de  Ferrier, .  who  mar- 
ried an  Indian  wife  at  Oneida  Castle,  and  whose  sons  and 
daughters  were  well-educated  ladies  and  gentlemen ;  and 
this  topic  would  scarcely  be  exhausted  when  we  were  driven 
into  the  village  of  Yernon,  where  we  always  changed  horses. 

In  Vernon  itself  there  was  nothing  especially  remarkable. 
The  hotel  was  kept  by  a  Mr.  Stuart,  whose  sons  and  grandsons 
were  persons  of  more  or  less  consideration  in  different  parts  ot 
the  State  for  many  years  afterward.  From  Yernon  to  West- 
moreland was  but  a  few  miles.  The  hotel  at  Westmoreland 
was  kept  by  Mrs.  Cary,  a  widow  lady,  with  six  or  seven  attract- 
ive and  accomplished  daughters,  who,  as  far  as  propriety  al- 
lowed, made  the  hotel  pleasant  for  its  guests.  These  young- 
ladies,  quite  well  known  by  intelligent  and  gentlemanly  stage- 
passengers,  were  sometimes  irreverently  designated  as  "  Mother 
Cary's  chickens."  In  this,  however,  no  disrespect  was  in- 
tended, for,  though  chatty  and  agreeable,  they  were  deservedly 
esteemed,  and  all,  "  in  the  course  of  human  events,"  were 
advantageously  married. 

From  Westmoreland  we  were  driven  rapidly  through  New 
Hartford  into  Utica,  seventy-two  miles  from  Aubnrn.  This 
was  the  end  of  our  second  day's  journey.  But,  for  the  accom- 
modation of  those  who  preferred  a  night  ride,  a  stage  left 
Utica  at  nine  p.  m.  Those  to  whom  time  was  important  took 
the  night  line.  We,  however,  will  remain  over.  Utica  is  now 
no  "  pent-up  "  place.  But  as  I  have,  in  an  earlier  part  of  this 
narrative,  given  a  brief  account  of  its  highly  intelligent  citi- 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  83 

zens,  we  will  pass  on.  And  departing  earlj  the  next  morning, 
the  first  object  that  attracts  tlie  attention  is  the  pleasantly  situ- 
ated mansion  and  fruitful  surroundings  of  Colonel  Walker,  an 
aide  de-camp  of  General  Washington  in  the  Eevohitionary 
war.  _A  few  miles  further  on,  as  we  cross  the  Mohawk  river, 
the  humble  farm-house  pointed  out  is  the  residence  of  Major- 
General  Widrig,  who  was  ordered  with  his  division,  into  the 
service  during  the  war  of  1S12.  But  that  major-general  was 
found  to  be  so  lamentably  deficient  in  penmanship,  orthogra- 
phy and  arithmetic  as  to  render  his -resignation  as  proper  as  it 
proved  acceptable.  Further  on,  in  the  town  of  Schuyler,  I 
pointed  to  a  loft}',  two-pronged  pine  tree,  under  which,  in  Sep- 
tember, 18i4,  the  regiment  to  which  I  belonged,  commanded 
b}'  Colonel  Matthew  Myers  of  Herkimer,  ate  its  first  ration, 
and  where,  to  my  great  satisfaction  and  as  grateful  remem- 
brance, the  quarter-master  of  the  regiment,  George  Petrie, 
then  a  merchant,  subsequently  a  Member  of  Congress,  and 
now  a  venerable  clerk  in  the  General  Post  Office  at  Washing- 
ton, appointed  me  his  quarter-master's  sergeant. 

Before  reaching  the  ancient  village  of  Herkimer,  we  were 
driven  over  the  fertile^and  celebrated  German  Plats,  nearly  a 
tliousand  acres  of  which  were  owned  by  Judge  Jacob  Weaver 
and  Colonel  Christopher  Bellinger.  They  were  neighbors, 
and,  unless  drawn  into  political  discussion,  warm  friends.  Dur- 
ing a  sharply-contested  election  in  the  spring  of  ISl-i,  while  at 
the  polls,  these  old  gentlemen  collided.  The  conversation 
waxed  warmer  and  warmer,  until  they  were  about  to  engage 
in  a  personal  conflict.  Friends,  however,  interfered  in  season 
to  avert  wbat  both  in  their  cooler  moments  M^ould  have 
lamented.  Subsequently  they  shook  hands  and  calmly  re- 
viewed their  cause  of  quarrel.  "  You  ought  not,"  said  Col. 
Bellinger,  "to  have  lost  your  temper."  "And  you  ought 
not,"  said  Judge  Weaver,  "  to  have  called  me  a  British  Tory." 
"I  only  did  so,"  said  Col.  Bellinger,  "after  you  called  me  a 
French  Jacobin."  "  And  then,"  said  Judge  Weaver,  "  you  not 
only  called  me  a  British  Tory  again,  but  said  that  I  rejoiced 
when  (9a?enburgh  was  taken,  and  I  couldn't  stand  that." 
Many  amusing  anecdotes  were  told  of  Judge  Weaver's  early 
life,  when  he  was  a  merchant  and  trading  with  the  Indians. 


8-±  Selections  feom  the  IsTewspapek 

In  purchasing  furs,  as  the  story  goes,  his  hand,  placed  on  the 
scale  opposite  the  fur,  weighed  half  a  pound,  and  his  foot  a 
pound.  His  accounts  were  kept  on  boards,  in  chalk.  One  of 
his  neighbors,  Mr.  Harter,  in  settling  an  account,  found  him- 
self charged  with  a  cheese.  Being  a  farmer  and  making  not  only 
cheese  for  his  own  table,  but  cheese  he  was  in  the  habit  of  selling 
at  his  store,  he  asked  an  explanation.  Judge  Weaver,  priding 
himself  upon  his  accuracy,  was  impatient  with  all  who  disputed 
his  accounts.  But  Mr.  Harter  appealed  to  his  reason  and  com- 
mon sense  to  show  how  improbable,  if  not  impossible  it  was, 
that  he  who  made  cheese  for  sale  should  have  been  a  purchaser. 
This  perplexed  the  Judge,  who,  after  thinking  and  talking  for 
a  long  time,  was  unwilling  under  the  circumstances  to  press  his 
neighbor  to  pay  for  a  cheese,  and  equally  unwilling  to  admit 
an  inaccuracy  in  his  book-keeping.  The  question  was  finally 
laid  over  till  the  next  day,  in  the  hope  that  the  Judge  might  be 
able  to  verify  the  integrity  of  his  books,  or  boards.  On  the 
following  day,  when  Mr.  Harter  appeared,  the  Judge  met  him 
in  jubilant  spirits,  exclaiming,  "  It  is  all  right ;  I  remember 
all  about  it  now."  "  But,"  said  his  neighbor,  "  you  don't  mean, 
to  say  that  I  bought  the  cheese  ! "  "  'No,  no,"  said  the  mer- 
chant ;  "it  was  not  a  cheese,  but  a  grindstone ;  and  I  forgot  to 
put  the  hole  in  it !  "  In  Judge  Weaver's  mode  of  book-keep- 
ing, a  circular  chalk  mark  represented  a  cheese,  while  the  same 
mark,  with  a  dot  in  the  centre,  converted  it  into  a  grindstone. 
Those  two  splendid  farms  have  long  since,  by  a  very  common 
process,  been  melted  into  one.  General  Christopher  P.  Bellin- 
ger married  the  daughter  of  Judge  Weaver,  and  thus  inherited 
both  farms.  General  Bellinger,  a  very  worthy  man,  with 
whom  I  served  in  the  Legislature  of  1830,  and  who  has  been 
for  fifty-seven  years  my  intimate  friend,  is  still  living.  Here 
resided  also  Major  Weber,  a  wealthy  German  farmer,  who  was 
with  us  at  Sackett's  Harbor.  Though  a  second  officer  in  our 
regiment,  he  found  the  service  any  thing  but  pleasant.  I  have 
an  order,  now  in  my  possession,  directing  me  to  take  possession 
of  a  building  for  a  regimental  hospital,  no  word  of  which  with 
more  than  two  syllables  is  spelt  right,  and  which  is  signed  "  J. 
P.  Weber,  Gomadand."  On  one  occasion,  when  Sir  James 
Yeo's  fleet  appeared  off  Sackett's  Harbor,  for  the  purpose,  as  was 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  85 

supposed,  of  landing  ^roops,  and  our  regiment,  with  others,  was 
ordered  to  a  point  directly  opposite  the  fleet,  Major  Weber  was 
in  a  greatlj  excited  state,  constantly  asking  subordinates  and 
privates  if  they  supposed  the  British  intended  to  land,  and 
complaining  of  the  injustice  of  pushing  militia  instead  of  reg- 
ular troops  into  such  an  exposed  position.  "  It  was  not,"  he 
said,  "■  on  his  own  account  that  he  was  unwilling  to  be  crowded 
into  battle  where  he  was  sure  to  be  killed,  but  on  account  of 
the  feelings  of  his  wife,  who>was  in  delicate  health."  He  in- 
quired also  "  whether  he  couldn't  resign  his  commission."  For- 
tunately, however,  for  the  Major,  after  a  couple  of  hours  of 
trepidation  and' suspense,  the  fleet  made  sail  and  soon  disap- 
peared. 

From  Herkimer  to  Little  Falls,  seven  miles,  there  \vere  no 
particular  attractions ;  nor  indeed  was  tliere  much  of  interest 
at  the  Falls,  a  small  village,  with  a~  valuable  water-power, 
nearly  unavailable  on  account  of  its  being  owned  by  Mr. 
Edward  Ellice,  a  non-resident  Englishman.  Mr.  Ellice  was  a 
large  landholder  in  this  State  and  in  Canada.  It  was  my  priv- 
ilege, in  1861  and  1862,  to  become  well  acquainted  with  him 
in  London.  He  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  being  the  most  in- 
fluential commoner  in  England.  He  was  a  man  of  giant  frame 
and  intellect.  He  was  one  of  the  oldest  members-  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  had  been  once  or  twice  a  member  of  the  British 
Cabinet.  He  died  at  his  country-seat  in'Scotland  in  1861,  in 
tlie  eighty-third  year  of  his  ag^.  The  London  residence  of 
Mr.  Ellice,  in  Arlington  street,  looking  into  St.  James  Park,, 
now  improved  and  moderr;ized,  was  occupied  by  Horace  Wal- 
pole  a  century  ago,  and  in  it  many  of  his  celebrated  letters 
were  written. 

From  Little  Falls  we  come  after  an  hour's  ride,  to  a  hill  by 
the  bank  of  the  river,  which  several  years  before.  General  Scott 
was  descending  in  a  stage,  when  the  driver  discovered  at  a 
sharp  turn  near  the  bottom  of  the  hill,  a  Pennsylvania  wagon 
winding  its  way  up  diagonally.  The  driver  saw  but  one  escape 
from  a  disastrous  collision,  and  that,  to  most  persons,  would 
have  appeared  even  more  dangerous  than  the  collision.  The 
.driver,  however,  having  no  time  for  reflection,  instantly  guided 
his  team  over  the  precipice  and  into  the  river,  from  which  the 


86  Selections  fkom  the  JSTewspapek 

horses,  passengers,  coach,  and  driver  were  safely  extricated. 
The  passengers,  following  General  Scott's  example,  made  the 
driver  a  handsome  present  as  a  reward  for  his  courage  and  sa- 
gacity. 

We  dine  at  East  Canada  Creek,  where  the  stage-house, 
kept  by  Mr.  Couch,  was  always  to  be  relied  on  for  excellent 
ham  and  egg^,  and  fresh  brook  t]'out.  Nothing  of  special  in- 
terest until  we  reach  Spraker's,  a  well-known  tavern,  that- 
neither  stages  nor  vehicles  of  any  description  Were  ever  known 
to  pass.  Of  Mr.  Spraker,  senior,  innumerable  anecdotes  were 
told.  He  was  a  man  without  education,  but  possessed  strong 
good  sense,  considerable  conversational  powers,  and  much  nat- 
ural humor.  Most  of  the  stories  told  about  him  are  so  Joe- 
Millerish  that  I  will  repeat  but  one  of  them.  "On  one  occasion 
he  had  a  misunderstanding  with  a  neighbor,  which  provoked 
both  to  say  hard  things  of  each  other.  Mr.  Spraker,  having 
received  a  verbal  hot  shot  from  his  antagonist,  reflected  a  few 
moments  and  replied,  "  Ferguson,  dare  are  worse  men  in  hell 
dan  you  ;  "  adding,  after  a  pause  "  but  dey  are  chained."  Mr. 
Spraker  used  to  say  that  "  when  his  son  David  was  a  boy,  he 
thought  he  would  make  a  smart  man  ;  but  he  sent  him  to  col- 
lege, and  when  he  came  back  from  Schenectady,  he  didn't  know 
enough  to  earn  his  living." 

At  Canajoharie  a  tall,  handsome  man,  with  graceful  manners, 
is  added  to  our  list  of  passengers.  This  is  the  Hon.  Alfred 
Conkling,  who  in  1820  was  elected  to  Congress  from  this  dis- 
trict, and  who  has  just  been  appointed  Judge  of  the  United 
States  District  Court  for  the  ]!^orthern  District  of  New  York, 
by  Mr.  Adams.  Judge  Conkling  is  now  (in  1870)  the  oldest 
survi\dng  New  York  member  of  Congress.  The  late  Hon. 
Samuel  K.  Detts,  recently  United  States  Judge  for  the  South- 
ern District  of  Kew  York,  was  elected  to  Congress  from 
Orange  county  in  1815.  John  Cramer,  of  Saratoga  though 
the  senior  of  Judge  Conkling,  being  over  ninety,  was  not 
elected  to  Congress  until  1833. 

In  passing  Conine's  Hotel,  near  the  ISTose,  the  fate  of  a  beau- 
tiful young  lady,  who  "  loved  not  wisely,  but  too  well,"  with 
an  exciting  trial  for  breach  of  promise,  etc.,  would  be  related. 
Still  further  East,  we  stop  at  Failing's  tavern  to  water.  Though 
but  an  ordinary  tavern  in   the  Summer  season,   all   travelers 


Articles  of  Thujrlow  Weed.  87 

eberisli  a  pleasant  remembrance  of  its  Winter  fare ;  for  leav- 
ing a  cold  stage  with  chilled  limbs,  if  not  frozen  ears,  you 
were  sure  to  find  in  Falling's  bar  and  dining  rooms  "  rousing 
fires  ; "  and  the  remembrance  of  the  light,  lively,  "  hot  and  hot " 
buckwheat  cakes,  and  the  unimpeachable  "sausages,  would  renew 
the  appetite  even  if  you  had  just  risen  from  a  hearty  meal. 

Going  some  miles  further  east,  we  come  in,  sight  of  a  build- 
ing on  the  west  side  of  the  Mohawk  river,  and  near  its  brink, 
the  peculiar  architectnre  of  which  attracts  attention.  This  was 
formerly  Charles  Kane's  store,  or  rather  the  store  of  the  broth- 
ers Kane,  five  of  whom  were  distinguished  merchants  in  the 
early  years  of  tire  present  century.  They  were  alL gentlemen 
of  education,  commanding  in  person,  accomplished  and  refined 
in  manners  and  associations.  Charles  Kane  resided  in  Sche- 
nectady, James  Kane  in  Albany,  Oliver  Kane  in  New  York, 
Elias  Kane  in  Philadelphia,  and  Archibald  Kane  in  the  West 
Indies.  An  incident  which  occurred  there  in  1S08  is  remem- 
bered by  some  of  the  passengers,  who  relates  it.  Some  gentle- 
men,- who  had  been  invited  to  dine  there,  amused  themselves 
after  dinner  with  cards.  In  the  course  of  the  evening  a  dis- 
pute arose  between  Oliver  Kane  and  James  Wadsworth,  of 
Geneseo,  a  gentleman  of  high  intelligence,  great  wealth,  and 
enlightened  philanthropy,  the  latter  years  of  whose  life  were 
distinguished  for  zeal  and  liberality  in  the  cause  of  normal 
schools  and  school  district  libraries.  The  cpiarrel  resulted  in 
a  challenge,  and  the  parties  met  before  sunrise  the  next  morn- 
ing, under  a  tall  pine  tree,  on  a- bluff  behind  the  store,  and  ex- 
changed shots,  Mr.  Kane  receiving  a  slight  wound.  More  than 
thirty  years  afterward,  I  was  walking .  with  Mr.  Wadsworth 
and  his  son,  the  late  General  J.  S.  Wadsworth,  in  Broadway, 
where  we  met  Mr.  Oliver  Kane,  with  whom  young  Mr.  Wads- 
worth exchanged  salutations ;  and  observing  that  his  father 
passed,  fnaking  "no  sign,"  he  said:  "Don't  you  knpw  Mr. 
Kane  ? "  "I  met  him  once,"  was  the  laconic  reply.  Sup- 
posing that  James  had  not  heard  of  the  duel,  when  we 
were  alone  I  mentioned  it  to  him,  to  which  he  replied, 
laughing,  "  I '  knew  all  about  that,  but  I  wanted  to 
draw  the  Governor  out."  I  had  endeavored,  several  years 
earlier,  to  induce  Mr.  Wadsworth  to  accept  a  nomination  for 


88  Selections  fkom  the  jN^ewspapee 

Governor,  and  tliereaftei'  James  S.  was  accustomed  to  speak  to 
and  of  liim  as  Governor. 

Here  Commodore  Charles  Morris,  one  of  the  most  gallant  of 
our  naval  officers,  who  'in  1812  distinguished  himseK  on  board 
the  United  States  frigate.  Constitution,  in  her  engagement 
with  the  British  frigate,  Gtcerriere,  passed  his  boyhood.  In 
18-11,  when  I  visited  him  on  board  the  United  States  seventy- 
four-gun  ship,  Franklin,  lying  off  Annapolis,  he  informed  me 
that  among  his  earliest  '  recollections  was  the  launching  and 
sailing  of  miniature  ships  on  the  Mohawk  river. 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  in  the  town  of  Florida,  is 
the  residence  of  Dr.  Alexander  Sheldon,  for  twelve  years  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Legislature  from  Montgomery  county,  serving  six 
years  as  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Assembly.  The  last  year  Dr.  S. 
was  in  the  Legislature,  one  of  his  sons,  Milton  Sheldon,  was  also 
a  member  from  Monroe  county.  Another  son,  Smith  Sheldon, 
who  was  educated  for  a  dry  goods  merchant,  drifted  some  years 
ago  to  the  city  of  New  York,  and  is  now  the  head  of  the  exten- 
sive publishing  house  of  Sheldon  &  Company,  Broadway.    - 

The  next  point  of  attraction  was  of  much  historical  inter- 
est. Sir  William  and  Guy  Johnson  built  spacious  and  showy 
mansions  a  few  miles  west  of  tlie  village  of  Amsterdam,  long- 
before  the  Bevolution,  in  passing  which  interesting  anecdotes 
relating  to  the  English  baronets'  connection  with  the  Indians, 
were  remembered.  A  few  miles  west  of  Sir  William  Johnson's, 
old  stagers  would  look  for  an  addition  to  our  number  of  pas- 
sengers in  the  person  of  Daniel  Cady,  a  very  eminent  lawyer, 
VN'ho  resided  at  Johnstown,  and  for  more  than  fifty  years  was 
constantly  passing  to  and  from  Alban3^  At  Amsterdam, 
Marcus  T.  Beynolds,  then  a  rising  young  lawyer  of  that  village, 
often  took  his  seat  in  the  stage,  and  was  a  most  companionable 
traveler.  He  subsequently  removed  to  Albany,  where  for 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  he  held  a  high  professional 
and  social  position. 

And  now,  as  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  spreads  out  more 
broadly,  and  the  eye  wanders  over  fields  teeming  with  the 
bountiful  products  of  mother  earth,  we  come  in  view  of  Sche- 
nectady, first  seen  by  a  graduate  of  Union,  who  immediately 
becomes  eloquent  in  his  laudation  of  Dr.  l^ott,  whose  sermon 
at  Albany  against  dueling,  occasioned  by  the  death  of  General 


,    _AiiTiCLE8  OF  Thuelow  Weed.  89 

Hamilton,  is  claimed  as  the  greatest  effort  of  the  age.  Our 
graduate  would  then  enumerate  the  distinguished  men  scat- 
tered over  the  Union  who  owed  their  success  in  life  to  Dr. 
Knott's  peculiar  mode  of  lectures  and  training.  Then,  as  we 
approached  the  old  bridge  across  the  Mohawk,  he  would  tell  us 
how  long  it  had  withstood  storm  and  tempest,  and  how  many 
dark  secrets  it  would  disclose  if  it  could  talk.  JSText,  we  would 
have  a  brief  history  of  Mr.  Givens,  the  gentlemanly  keeper  of 
the  hotel  in  Schenectady,  and  of  his  still-  more  gentlemanly 
son,  Major  G.,  who  brought  back  from  West  Point  to  Sche- 
nectady, all  the  discipline  and  proprieties,  physical  and  social, 
of  a  military  -education,  and  who  vibrated  for  half  a  century 
between  Schenectady  and  Saratoga,  saying  and  doing  polite  and 
civil  things  to  and  for  everybody.  Perhaps  allusion  might  be 
made  to  Mr.  Givens'  predecessor  in  the  hotel,  only  for  the  pur- 
^  pose  of  remarking  that  his  daughter,  a  beautiful  and  accom- 
plished young  lady,  rejected- wealthy  suitors  for  the^sake  of  the 
line  person  and  melodious  voice  of  a  music  anaster,  preferring, 
it  would  seem,  musical  to  circulating. notes;  concluding,  almost 
certainly,  with  an  account  of  a  phrenological  discussion,  in 
which  Governor  Yates  floored-  his  antagonist  by  saying,^"  My 
head  is  not  so  long  as- Governor  Clinton's,  but  it  is  a  great  deal 
tickerP  '     ' 

From  Schenectady  to  Albany  the  drive  through  dwarf  pines 
and  a  barren  soil,  the  turnpike  road,  ornamented  with  poplar 
trees  at  uniform  distances  on  either  side,  was  fame,  and,  unless 
enlivened  with  conversation,  dull.  But  it  was  an  unusual 
circumstance  to  find  a"~~ stage-coach,  with  fair  weather  and 
good  roads,  between  Pochester  and  Albany,  tlial;  was  not  enliv- 
ened by  conversation,  for  there  were  almost  always  two  or  three 
intellectual  passengers.  Myron  Holley,  for  example,  with  a 
gifted  and  highly  cultivated  mind,  had  committed  to  memory 
and  would  recite  by  the  hour  gems  from  the  British  poets. 
Mr.  Granger  also  had'  a  good  memory,  and  would  often,  during 
the  evening,  recite  from  Burns,  Moore,  and  others  Richard 
L.  Smith,  a  reckless  lawyer  from  Auburn,  with  his  wit  and 
cii-olleries,  would  make  hours  and  miles  seem  short.  And  there 
was  an  imfailing  source  of  fun  at  every  stopping  place  in  the 
"  gibes  and  jokes  "  of  the  stage-drivers,  who,  as  a  class,  were 
~'12  '  '     _ 


90  Selections  fbom  the  Newspaper 

as  peculiar,  quaint,  and  racy  as  those  represented  by  the  senior 
and  junior  Weller  in  "  Pickwick,"  as  "  Samivel "  described 
them  —  a  class  of  highly  social  individuals,  who  have  been 
driven  off  the  roads  and  compelled  to  earn  a  precarious  living 
by  tending  pikes  and  switches,  or  marrying  "  vidders,"  and 
whose  unintellectual  successors  were  engine-drivers  and  stokers. 
The  stage-drivers  of  that  day  lived  merry  but  short  lives. 
The  exceptions  were  in  favor  of  those  who,  after  a  few  years' 
experience,  married  some  reputable  farmer's  daughter  on  their 
route,  and  changed  their  occupation  from  stage-driving  to  farm- 
ing. This  must,  I  think,  have  been  the  case  with  one  of  my 
earliest  stage-driving  acquaintances.  It  is  but  a  few  weeks 
since  I  saw  in  the  papers- the  announcement  of  the  death,  some- 
where in  Tompkins  county,  of  "  Phineas  Mapes,"  aged  eighty 
years.  "  Phin.  Mapes,"  a  rollicking  stage-driver  at  Catskill,  is 
one  of  my  earliest  remembrances.  In  1803  or  1801,  a  stage 
with  four  live  horses  was  an  institution,  at  least  in  the  admu'- 
ing  eyes  of  boys.  I  remember  with  what  a  flourish  "  Mapes  " 
used  to  dash  up  to  the  post-oflice  door,  and,  while  Dr.  Croswell 
was  assorting  the  mail,  how  gracefully  and  gently  he  would 
throw  his  long  whip-lash  over  the  backs  of  the  leaders,  and 
how,  by  the  responsive  action  of  their  fore-feet,  nostrils,  and 
ears,  they  would  show  how  well  they  understood  that  he  meant 
it  playfully.  How  well,  too,  I  remember  when,  in  1810  or 
1811,  I  renewed  my  acquaintance  with  this  driver  at  Skan- 
eateles,  between  which  place  and  Onondaga  Hollow  he  was 
blowing  his  horn  and  cracking  his  whip  and  his  jokes,  quite  as 
popular  here  as  he  had  been  at  Catskill.  The  oldest  inhabit- 
ants of  Catskill  and  Skaneateles,  as  well  as  the  few  survivors 
who  rode  in  stages  upon  the  great  Genesee  turnpike  sixty  years 
ago,  will  remember  "  Phin.  Mapes  "  pleasantly,  from  whom,  in 
his  best  days,  Dickens  might  have  found  a  "  jolly  "  original  for 
Mark  Tapley. 


Articles  of  Thuelow   Weed.  91 

SECKET  POLITICAL  HISTORY. 

A.  D.  1839. 


An  IisrcroENT  in  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed's   Career — How  the 

COMPL'EXION  OF  THE  StATE  SeKATE  WAS  ChANGED A  WeLL- 

Kept  Secret  Revealed. 

The  following  curious  and  interesting  naiTative  relates  to 
an  election  wliicli  exercised  no  small  influence  on  the  public 
events  of  the  day  : 

To  the  Editors  of  the  JSf.  Y.  Times : 

Unusual  interest  was  given  to  the  political  campaign  of  1839 
by  the  great  solicitude  of  the  banking  interests  of  the  City  of 
ISTew  Yoyk,  to  elect  a  Senate  which,  while  sitting  as  a 
Court  for  the  correction  of  errors,  would  maintain  the  constitu- 
tionality of  the  General  Banking  Law.  It  was  known  that 
the  political  complexion  of  the  Senate  would  be  determined  by 
the  result  in  the  Third  (Albany)  District,  where  three  Sena- 
tors were  to  -be  chosen.  The  district  had  theretofore  been  Dem- 
ocratic, but  we  had  for  two  or  three  years  been  diminishing 
the  majority  against  us,  and  on  this  occasion  had  determined  to 
make  "a  very  spirited  canvass.  A  week  before  the  election  I 
became  satisfied  that  the  chances  of  success  were  against  us, 
and  so  reported  to  my  political  friends  in  IS^ew  York.  This 
stimulated  them  to  renewed  efforts.  On  the  Saturday  morning 
previous  to  the  election  some  Whig  merchants  and  bankers 
met  hastily,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  visit  Albany.  On 
Sunday  morning  early,  while  dressing,  I  was  summoned  to  the 
Eagle  Hotel,  where  I  found  in  the  parlor  Messrs.  Robert  B. 
Minturn,  Moses  H.  Grinnell,  Simeon  Draper,  R.  M.  Blatch- 
ford,  and  James  Bowen.  They  had  arrived  about  daylight  in 
the  steamboat  Columbia^  specially  chartered  by  them.  They 
took  a  large  bandana  handkerchief  from  a  trunk,  which  they 
•  opened  and  spread  upon  a  centre  table!  It  contained  packages 
of  bank  notes  of  various  denominations,  amounting  to  $8,000. 
My  friends  remarked  that  no  possible  effort  must  be  spared  to 


92  Sbleotioits  from  the  ISTewspaper 

cany  the  district,  and  desired  me  to  take  as  much  of  this  fmid 
as  could  be  advantageously  disbursed,  adding  that  if  more  was 
needed,  tlie_y  would  draw  checks  for  it. 

The  election  was  to  commence  on  Monday  morning  and  to 
terminate  on  Wednesday  evening.  I  informed  them  that  it 
would  be  quite  impossible  in  so  short  a  time  to  use  any  such 
aanount  of  money,  and  after  explaining  what  I  thought  might 
be  accomplished  in  the  brief  interval  before  the  election,  tooJc 
$3,000 — $1,500  of  which  was  inmiediately  despatched  by  mes- 
sengers to  Columbia,  Greene,  Delaware  and  Rensselaer  coun- 
ties ;  $1,500  was  reserved  for  Albany. 

A  question  of  much  embarrassment  occurred  to  us — namely, 
how  the  unusual  circumstance  of  the  arrival  of  a  strange 
steamer  could  be  explained  without  exciting  suspicions  as  to 
the  real  object  of  its  visit.  Governor  Seward  was  sent  for  and 
joined  in  the  consultation.  It  was  decided  that  all  the  I^ew 
York  gentlemen  named,  with  one  exception,  shonld  remain 
incog,  at  the  hotel.  Mr.  Minturn,  whose  father  in-law.  Judge 
Wendell,  resided  in  Albany,  went  to  his  relative's  house  and 
from  thence  to  church.  Still,  we  were  very  apprehensive  that 
the  Argus  might  get  some  inkling  or  clue  to  the  business  on 
hand,  and  this,  we  knew,  would  have  been  fatal  to  our  plans- 
So  it  was  arranged  that  George  W.  Daily,  then  known  as  an 
efficient  fighting  Whig  at  the  polls,  should  see  "  Abe  Yander- 
zee,"  a  journeyman  in  the  Argus  office,  and  a  democratic  pugi- 
list. Except  when  excited  at  the  polls  these  two  men  were 
friends,  though  one  was  a  zealous  Whig,  and  the  other  an 
equally  enthusiastic  Democrat.  Daily  took  Yanderzee  a  stroll 
along  the  docks,  and  said  to  him  with  apparent  surprise, 
"  Hei'e  is  a  strange  steamer  !  what  can  she  have  come  to  Albany 
for  I "  They  made  inquiry,  and  found  that  she  had  arrived 
there  at  daylight  without  passengers,  and  without  apparent 
object.  Daily  said,  "  Well,  never  mind,  I'll  find  out  in  the 
course  of  the  day  what  this  means.  There's  a  nigger  in  the 
fence  somewhere."  After  dropping  into  a  grocery  or  two, 
and  "smiling"  once  or  twice,  they  separated.  Early  in  the 
evening  Daily  went  to  the  At^gus  office,  accidentally  fell  in 
with  Abe,  and  told  him  he  had  found  out  the  whole  story  of 
the  steamer,  adding  that  on  Saturday  evening  after  the  mails 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  93 

had  left  ISTew  York  (this  being  before  telegraphs) ,  a  steamer 
had  arrived  from  England,  bringing  information  that  the  crops 
had  been  destroyed,  and  some  ilour  speculators  had  chartered 
the  boat  to  come  to  Albany,  and  had,  immediately  upon  their 
arrival,  started  off  in  different  directions  to  buy  up  flour,  so  as 
to  secm'e  a  monopoly. 

Meantime,  the  steamer  dropped  down  to  Yan  Wie's  Point. 
At  ^sundown  the  ISTew  York  gentlemen  were  driven  to  that 
place  in  close  carriages,  taken  on  board,  and  returned  to  ]^ew 
York  in  safety. 

That  day  and  most  of  the  night  were  spent  in  active  prepa- 
rations for  the  next  three  days'  battle.  Springsted,  Beardsley, 
and  Yan  Schaick  were  hastily  despatched  to  the  country  towns 
with  additional  "material  aid."  G.W.  Dail}^,  H.  Y.  Webb, 
Sam  Sti'ong,  Bob.  Chesbro,  John  Ross,  etc.,  were  to  organize  a 
physical  force  sufficient  to  clear  a  passage  to  the  polls.  Chaun- 
cey  Dexter,  Stillman  Witt  (then  an  employee  of  the  People's 
Line  of  steamboats,  now  an  Ohio  millionaire) ,  R.  Yan  Yalken- 
burg,  James  Weldon,  Tom  Hillson  (now  in  the  Custom  House), 
Provost  Yesey,  the  brothers  Young,  etc.,  were  to  look  after  the 
canal  boatmen.  The  brothers  Benedicts,  I.  IST.  Comstock  (now 
in  the  Appraiser's  Ofiice) ,  Drs.  Kane  and  Grant,  the  Freden- 
richs,  etc.,  were  to  look  after  the  "drift"  voters  in  the  Texas 
portion"- of  the  jSTinth  and  Tenth  wards.  George  Cuyler  and 
others  of  Ijis  tact  and  vigilance,  were  to  act  as  challengers. 
Captain  L.  W.  Brainard  (now  in  the  Custom  House) ,  Rufus 
Rhoades,  and  Tommy  Cowell  were  to  bring  all  the  Whig 
steamboat  and  sloop  hands  from  New  York,  and  alongshore 
between  I^ew  York  and  Albany.  David  JSTelligan,  Mike  Clark, 
Pat  Mui'phy,  and  Michael  O' Sullivan  (then  a  Catholic  school 
teacher,  afterward  a  Union  officer  through  the  rebellion) ,  were 
to  look  after  the  "  few  and  far  between  "  Irish  voters.  Tom 
Kirkpatrick  and  Hugh  J.  Hastings  were  to  "  swing  round  " 
the  various  polls  and  ascertain  where  screws  were  loose  or 
machinery  required  oiling. 

The  flour  "blind  "  served  to  bridge  over  the  danger  for  one 
day,  Monday  morning's  Argus  appearing,  to  our  great  relief, 
without  any  reference  to  the  arrival  of  the  steamer.  The  mail 
of  that  day  brought  news  from  England  by  the  Great  Western, 
announcing  among  other  things  the  arrival,  late  on  Saturday 


94  Selections  feom  the  ^Newspaper 

night,  of  over  $2,000,000  "  for  British  service  in  Canada."  In 
this  circumstance  the  Argus  was  convinced  that  it  had  dis- 
covered the  whole  secret  of  the  sudden  appearance  of  the  Col- 
umbia, and  on  Tuesday  morning  it  contained  the  following 
editorial: 

A  MYSTEKT AND  ITS  EXPLANATION. 

"  Our  city  was  not  a  little  excited  on  Sunday  by  the  mysteri- 
ous arrival  about  noon,  of  the  steamboat  CohimMa,  from  l^ew 
York,  which  place  she  left  at  twelve  the  23revions  night,  with 
only  four  or  live  persons  on  board,  one  of  whom  started  express 
to  the  North,  and  the  others  returned  in  the  ColumMa  at  2  p.  m. 
All  the  afternoon  groups  were  inquiring  "  what's  in  the  wind  ?  " 
ISTumerons  were  the  conjectures  and  rumors,  and  surmises 
which  the  quid  nuncs  started  to  solve  the  mystery. 

"  The  explanation  doubtless  is,  that  as  the  Great  Western 
brought  over  $2,000,000  for  Canada,  preparatory  to  the  resump- 
tion of  specie  payments  by  the  Provincial  banks,  an  agent  was 
despatched  expressly  to  advise  of  its  arrival ;  and  as  there  is  no 
day  boat  on  Sunday,  and  as  the  loss  of  a  day  would  have 
ensued  by  waiting  until  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  the  Colum- 
bia was  despatched  specially  for  the  purpose." 

The  election  occupied  three  days  of  extraordinary  interest 
and  excitement,  each  party  doing  its  utmost.  A  great  deal  of 
bitter  feeling  was  necessarily  provoked  on  the  other  side  by 
our  boldness  and  confidence.  The  result  was  a  signal  triumph, 
onr  three  Senators — Erastus  Root,  Friend  Humphrey,  and 
Mitchell  Sanford — being  chosen  by  an  average  majority  of  133. 
General  Koot,  however,  had  a  narrow  escape,  obnoxious  as  he 
was  to  the  extreme  Abolitionists.  He  was  elected  by  a  majority 
of  only  two.  This  victory  changed,  as  was  anticipated,  the 
political  character  of  the  Senate,  giving  effect  to  the  nomina- 
tion of  Governor  Seward,  sustaining  the  General  Banking 
Law,  and  upholding  the  canal  policy  of  the  Whig  Party. 

Thus  a  memorable  co^i]?  cVetat,  completely  revolutionizing 
the  State,  was  effected  on  the  very  verge  of  tlie  election  by  the 
thoughtfulness  and  liberality  of  a  few  zealous  politicians  in  the 
city  of  ]!^ew  York  The  secret  was  well  kept,  for,  until  now, 
no  whisper  of  it  has  ever  been  heard. 

It  may  be  added  that  soon  after  this  event  Yanderzee  became 
a  Whig,  and,  like  Daily  and  a  battalion  of  other  stalwart  fel- 
lows, remained  faithful   during  their  lives.     Yanderzee  was 


Akticles  'OF  Thuelow  Weed.  95 

well  known  and  well  thought  of  for  twenty  years,  and  until 
his  death,  at  Quarantine,  Staten  Island.  Daily  served  gallantly 
in  the  war,  under  General  Bowen. 

The  gratification  experienced  at  the  time  by  our  political 
friends  in  JSTew  York  may  be  judged  by  the  following  short 
extracts  of  "letters  from  Mr.  K.  M.  Blatchford  : 

JSTov.  8 — "  After  our  sad  disaster  here,  your  good  news  is 
cheering  beyond  measure.  I  thank  you  from  the  bottom  of  my 
heart  for  all  that  you  and  our  good  friends  have  accomplished 
throughout  the  State.  *  *  *  You  never  Avitnessed  such 
wild  exultation  as  there  is  here  to-day." 

Ao-ain  : 

ISTov.  11.—^"  Fairly  afloat  at  last,  friend  Weed.  It  is  a  triumph 
indeed.  ~  I  want  words  to  express  my  joyful  feelings.  The  dis- 
may of  our  enemies  is  dreadful.      *     *     *     *     It  is  you  who 


have  saved  the  State."  T.  W 


you  "^ 


MALEDICTORY. 

[From  the  Evening  Journal  of  Wednesday,  January  28th,  1863.] 


PATKONS,  FRIENDS  AND  KEADEES. 

My  interest  in  and  connection  with  the  Albany  Evening 
Journal^  as  Proprietor  and  Editor,  terminates  with  the  present 
sheet ;  and  but  that  custom  sanctions  if  it  does  not  call  for 
parting  words,  nothing  would  remain  but  to  say  —  Faeewell  ! 

This  word,  when  it  sunders  relations  which  have  existed 
pleasantly  for  neai'ly  Thiety-theee  Yeaes,  cannot  be  uttered 
lightly,  or  without  emotion.  During  that  long  term  of  years  I 
have  in  some  sense  —  and  I  hope  the  comparison  may  not  be 
deemed  irreverent  —  occupied  an  Editorial  Pulpit,  speaking 
daily  to  a  large  congregation,  for  whom  I  have  come  to  feel  the 
relation  of  Pastor  and  Friend ;  and  from  whom  I  have  cer- 
tainly experienced  all  the  benefits  and  bounties  that  a  generous 
flock  bestows  upon  its  Shepherd. 


96  Selections  fkom  the  ISTewspapee 

Though  but  a  few  hours  have  passed  since  the  transfer  papers 
were  executed,  memory  has  been  busy  m  summoning  back  the 
dead  Past,  in  the  cup  of  which,  evil  and  good  are  necessarily 
mingled.  The  friendship,  faith  and  fraternity  which  have  so 
long  bound  men  to  me  with  "  hooks  of  steel,"  through  trials 
to  triumphs,  burden  the  memory  and  the  heart  with  a  pro- 
found sense  of  obligation.  TSTever  in  the  history  of  our  State, 
has  an  Editor  enjoyed  so  long  and  so  Largely  the  confidence 
and  regard  of  those  politically  associated  with  him  ;  nor  in  no 
other  Editor's  experience  have  political  and  personal  relations 
been  more  happily  blended. 

But  we  have  fallen  upon  evil  times.  Our  Country  is  in  im- 
mediate and  imminent  danger.  I  diifei*  widely  with  my  Party 
about  the  best  means  of  crushing  the  Rebellion.  That  differ- 
ence is  radical  and  irreconcilable.  I  can  neither  impress  others 
with  my  views,  nor  surrender  my  own  solenm  convictions.  The 
alternative  of  living  in  strife  with  those  whom  I  have  esteemed, 
or  withdrawing  is  presented.  I  have  not  hesitated  in  choosing 
the  path  of  peace  as  the  path  of  duty.  If  those  who  differ 
with  me  are  right,  and  the  Country  is  carried  safely  through 
its  present  struggle,  all  will  be  well,  and  "  nobody  hurt." 

In  approaching  the  end  of  a  long  journey,  when  one  of  the 
Party  drops  out ;  remembering  how  pleasant  it  has  been,  he 
only  thinks  of  it  to  mark  his  sense  of  the  worthiness  of  the 
companions  who  continue  on,  and  to  wish  them,  with  his  whole 
grateful  heart,  enduring  prosperity  and  happiness. 

It  is  fifty-three  years  since  I  was  first  introduced  as  an 
Apprentice  to  the  "  Space  Box,"  and  forty-five  years  since  I 
became  an  Editor.  During  more  than  half  a  century  of  toil 
and  care,  I  have  experienced  so  much  that  is  good  and  bright 
in  Life;  partaken  so  richly  of  its  blessings;  have  found  so 
many  of  my  race  to  honor  and  love,  that  this  hour  of  isolation 
prostrates  the  heart  in  thankfulness  to  Man  for  his  support, 
and  gratitude  to  God  for  His  abiding  protection  and  mercy. 

Since  the  Evening  Journal  was  established,  in  1830,  time, 
in  its  resistless  course,  has  swept  thousands  of  its  original  Pa- 
trons out  of  existence.  The  names  of  inost  of  its  first  City 
Subscribers  may  be  now  found  inscribed  on  marble  in  our 
Rural  Cemetery,  where  also  rests  loved  ones  whose  presence^ 


Articles  of  ThuelowWeed.  97 

once  gladdened  and  brightened  my  own  liome  and  hearth.  And 
here,  again,  although  the  Grave  has  taken  much  to  afflict,  it  has 
left  much  to  console.  These  thoughts,  out  of  place,  perhaps, 
will,  at  such  a  moment,  find  utterance. 

I  leave  tlfe  Journal  in  the  hands  of  my  late  Partners,  who 
have  purchased  my  interest.  They  are  eminently  worthy  of 
the  continued  confidence  and  support  of  its  friends.  Mr. 
Daavson  came  with  me  when  a  Boy,  and  has,  as  Apprentice, 
Journeyman,  Foreman,  Partner  and  Editor,  been  associated 
with  me  for  thirty-six  years,  during  which  long  period  there 
never  has  been  a  jar  or  an  impatient  word  between  us.  Mr. 
Parsons,  under  whose  auspices  a  small  Job  Office  (started  in 
company  with  my  late  and  only  Son)  ha^rown  into  a  Print- 
ing-House,  has  been  for  twenty  yearl^pleasantly  associated 
with  me.  The  Messrs.  Ten  Eyck  have  grown  up,  from  their 
boyhood,  in  the  office,  more  like  sons  than  mere  business  asso- 
ciates. F.  W.  Seward  (temporarily  absent)  with  his  high 
cultivation  and  amiable  character,  completed  the  interest  of  our 
charmed  circle.  In  l)usiness  matters  1  have  had  no  concern  or 
anxiety,  leajving  all  in  their  hands,  never  looking  at  a  Ledger 
or  an  Account.  And  in  now  offering  to  sell  them  my  interest, 
I  asked  them  to  determine  its  value,  as  they  did,  to  my  entire 
content.  I  efntertain  for  them,  as  Dr.  Franklin  says  he  did 
for  the  young  Printers  whom  he  brought  up  and  established  in 
qusiness,  the  solicitude  and  affection  of  a  Father. 

If  the  Country  was  not  in  a  condition  to  awaken  deep  anxiety, 
I  should  look  forward  with  cheerfulness  and  hope  to  that  con- 
dition of  life  wliich, 

"  Exempt  from  public  liaunts, 

"  Finds  tongues  in  trees,  books  in  the  running  brooks 
"  Sermons  in  stones,  and  good  in  everytliiug." 

But  fbr  an  infirm  leg  and  a  broken  arm,  I  would  go  into  the 
Army,  for  the  Country  is  entitled  to  the  services  of  all  its 
Citizens ;  and  it  is  more  a  privilege  than  a  duty  to  defend  a 
Government  under  whose  beneficent  sway  and  benign  rule  we 
have  enjoyed  protection,  prosperity  and  happiness  ;  and  in  the 
destruction  of  which  the  best  hopes  of  the  highest  civilization 
perish. 

So  far  as  all  things  personal  are  concerned,  my  work  is  done. 
13 


98  Selections  feom  the  ISTewspapee 

Should  the  occasion  or  the  opportunity  to  serve  nij^  Country  or 
Friends,  with  head  or  hand,  offer,  it  will  be  gladly  embraced. 

And  now,  with  all  that  relates  to  material  wants  in  life  abund- 
antly supplied  —  with  no  personal  interest  or  aspiration  ungrati- 
Hed  —  with  an  humbling  consciousness  of  having  experienced 
through  life  more  benefits  than  I  have  deserved,  and  vastly 
more  than  I  have  been  able  to  reciprocate ;  and  with  a  deter- 
mination to  devote  such  brief  time  as  may  be  allotted  me,  to 
the  practice  of  Dr.  Franklin's  golden  precept  of  doing  "  as 
much  good  and  as  little  evil  "  to  others  as  possible,  I  come  to  the 
inevitable  —  Farewell  ! 

Thuelow  Weed. 

January  27,  1863. 


UJSTWRITTEK  CHAPTEE  OF  HISTOEY. 

A.    D.    1861. 


how  the  heeald  s  influence  was  obtained   foe   president 
Lincoln's  administeation. 

To  the  EdUor  of  the  iY.  T.  Herald: 

At  the  breaking  out  of  the  Eebellion  the  sympathies  of  the 
Heeald  were  with  the  South,  or,  at  least,  its  marked  hostility 
to  the  administration  not  only  induced  that  opinion,  but  had 
the  effect  of  encouraging  rebels  and  strengthening  the  rebel 
cause.  The  Daily  News  also  sym]3athized  even  more  unequiv- 
ocally with  thet  rebels.  Fernando  Wood,  then  Mayor  of 
New  York  city,  with  many  prominent  citizens,  entertained 
kindred  sympathies  and  sentiments.  All  this  created  a  strong 
popular  feeling  among  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  who 
manifested  their  loj^alty  by  displaying  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
not  only  upon  public  buildings,  but  from  the  windows  or 
housetops  of  private  mansions.  The  Herald  was  called  upon 
to  display  the  American  flag,  and  upon  its  refusal  or  neglect  to 
do  so,  violence  was  threatened  by  a  tumultuous  gathering^ 
which,  however,  was  dispersed  without  committing  any  overt 
act. 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  99 

Mean  time  the  Hekald,  by  its  large  circulation  in  Europe,  was 
creating  a  dangerous  public  sentiment  abroad.  Our  representa- 
tives in  England,  France,  Belgium,  etc.,  regarded  the  influence 
of  the  Heeald  upon  the  public  mind  of  Europe  with  apprehen- 
sion. 

That  circumstance,  added  to  our  disasters  during  the  early- 
months  of  the  war,  induced  President  Lincoln  to  bring  the 
subject  before  his  Cabinet.  It  was  deemed  important,  if  pos- 
sible, to  change  the  course  of  the  Herald  upon  the  question 
of  secession  and  rebellion  ;  but  how  this  w^as  to  be  accomplished 
was  a  question  of  much  difficulty.  It  was  agreed  that  an 
earnest  appeal  must  be  made  to  Mr.  Bennett.  Several  gentle- 
men were  named  (myself  among  the  number)  for  this  delicate 
mission.  The  Secretary  of  State  remarked  that  my  relations 
with  Mr.  Bennett  were  such  as  to  insure  the  failure  of  the  object 
contemplated ;  but  it  was  iinally  determined  that  I  should  be 
summoned  to  Washington  l)y  telegraph.  On  my  arrival,  while 
at  breakfast  with  Secretary  Seward,  I  was  informed  of  the 
business  in  hand.  Calling  after  breakfast  npon  President 
Lincoln  lie  remarked,  in  his  peculiar  way,  that  he  understood  I 
had  had  "  considerable  experience  in  belling  cats,"  and  with 
this  introduction  proceeded  to  say  that,  in  view  especially  of 
the  influence  the  Herald  was  exerting  in  Europe,  he  deemed 
it  of  the  greatest  importance  that  Mr.  Bennett  should  be  satis- 
fied that  the  course  of  the  Herald  was  endangering  the  govern- 
ment and  Union,  adding  his  belief  that  if  Mr,  Beimett  could  be 
brought  to  see  things  in  that  light  he  would  change  his  course. 
While  appreciating  the  importance  of  the  mission,  I  assured 
Mr.  Lincoln  that  I  was  the  last  person  in  the  country  to  be 
selectecMor  such  a  duty ;  but  he  insisted  that  I  should  make 
the  trial,  and  I  departed  on  the  first  train  for  ISTew  York. 

My  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Bennett  commenced  in  182Y, 
when  he  was  the  Washington  reporter  of  the  Neio  Yorli  Cour- 
ier and  Enqioirer,  then  conducted  by  the  late  M.  M.  Noah.  I 
was  in  Washington  several  weeks  during  the  session  of  Con- 
gress, for  the  pnrpose  of  adjusting  then  existing  political  com- 
plications, which,  as  I  hoped,  might  result  in  the  election  of  Mr. 
Henry  Clay  for  President.  Mr.  Bennett,  in  his  letters  to  the 
Courier  and  Enquirer,  attributed  acts  to  Mr.  Clay  which,  in  the 
then  excited  state  of  the  public  mind,  defeated  the  hopes  and 


100  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

efforts  of  his  friends.  It  is  not  now  necessary  to  recall  tlie  past 
in  this  connection.  Out  of  those  charges  grew  a  conflict  between 
Mr.  Bennett  and  myself  which  entirely  separated  us,  politi- 
call}^,  personally  and  socially,  for  more  than  thirty  years,  during 
which  time,  although  living  much  together  at  tlie  Astor  House, 
we  had  not  spoken.  I^otwithstanding  this  embarrassment, 
remembering  that  General  Miller,  when  asked  if  he  could  take 
a  British  battery  at  Lundy's  Lane,  replied  that  he  M'ould  "try," 
I  determined  to  face  my  enemy.  Upon  my  arrival  in  'New 
York  I  called  upon  my  friend  Richard  Schell,  between  whom 
and  Mr.  Bennett  I  knew  that  intimate  relations  existed.  Mr. 
Schell  readily  undertook  to  arrange  an  interview,  and  in  a 
couple  of  hours  afterward  called  at  tlie  Astor  House  with  a 
message  from  Mr.  Bennett  inviting  me  to  dinner  that  after- 
noon. In  stepping  out  of  the  cars  at  the  Washington 
Heights  Station  I  met  Mr.  Bennett,  who  had  gone  out  in 
the  same  train.  After  a  cordial  greeting  we  were  driven  in 
his  carriage  to  his  mansion -on  the  Heights.  We  then  walked 
for  half  an  hour  about  the  grounds,  when  a  servant  came 
and  announced  dinner.  The  dinner  was  a  frugal  one,  during 
which,  until  the  fruit  was  served,  we  held  general  conversa- 
tion. I  then  frankly  informed  him  of  the  object  of  my  visit, 
closing  with  the  remark  that  Mr.  Lincoln  deemed  it  more  im- 
portant to  secure  the  Herald's  snpport  than  to  obtain  a  vic- 
tory in  the  field.  Mr.  Bennett  replied  that  the  abolitionists, 
aided  by  whig  members  of  Congress,  had  provoked  a  war, 
of  the  danger  of  which  he  had  been  warning  the  country  for 
years,  and  that  now,  when  they  were  reaping  what  they  had 
sown,  they  had  no  right  to  call  uj)on  him  to  help  them  out  of 
a  difficulty  that  they  had  deliberately  brought  npon  themselves. 
I  listened  without  interruption  for  ten  minutes  to  a  bitter 
denunciation  of  Greeley,  Garrison,  Seward,  Snmner,  Giddings, 
Phillips  and  myself,  as  having,  by  irritating  and  exasperating 
the  South,  brought  the  war  upon  the  country.  I  then,  in  reply, 
without  denying  or  attempting  to  explain  a.iij  of  his  positions, 
stated  the  whole  question  from  our  standpoint.  I  informed 
him  of  facts  and  circumstances  within  my  knowledge,  showing 
conclusively  the  deliberate  design  of  severing  the  Union  to  pre- 
vent California  from  coming  into  it  as  a  free  State.     I  gave 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  101 

him  the  then  unknown  particulars  of  an  interview  of  Messrs. 
Toombs,  Stephens  and  Clingman,  members  of  Congress  from 
Georgia  andiSTorth  Carolina,  ^^qth  General  Taylor.  The  object 
of  that  interview  was  to  induce  General  Taylor,  a  southern 
man  and  slaveholder,  to  veto  the  bill  permitting  California  to 
enter  the  Union-as  a  free  State.  It  was  a  stormy  interview, 
with  threats  of  disunion  on  one  hand  and  of  hanging  on  the 
other.  The  facts  were  communicated  to  Senator  Hamlin  of 
Maine  and  myself,  within  ten  minutes  after  the  interview 
closed.  Jefferson  Davis,  General  Taylor's  son-in-law,  though 
not  present,  was,  as  General  Taylor  believed,  tlie  master  spirit 
in  the  movement.  General  Taylor's  death  and  the  compro- 
mise measures,  under  the  auspices  of  his  successor,  Mr.  Fill- 
more, bridged  over  rebellion  for  the  time  being.  I  tlien  called 
Mr.  Bennett's  attention  to  the  condition  of  things  in  1860, 
when  the  results  of  the  census  disclosed  the  fact  of  an  unmis- 
takable numerical  and  political  ascendancy  of  freedom  over 
slavery.  This  ascendancy  crushed  tJie  Southern  hope  of  ex- 
tending sla>ery  into  free  territory,  that  having  been  the  object 
of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise  and  the  only  national 
issue  then  pending.  I  then  reverted  to  the  Democratic 
J^ational  Convention  of  1860,  startling  Mr.  Bennett  with  the 
assumption  that  thit  convention  was  deliberately  demoralized 
by  its  leaders  for  the  purpose  of  throwing  the  government 
into  whig  hands,  and  thus  furnishing  the  pretext  desired  for 
secession.  I  claimed  that  the  harmonious  nomination  of  an 
available  candidate  would  have  insured  the  success  of  the  dem- 
ocratic ticket,  but  that  the  convention  was  broken  up  by  lead- 
ing Soutliern  men,  into  whose  hands  General  Butler  and 
Caleb  Cushing  played.  Two  Democratic  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent were  placed  in  the  field,  with  the  knowledge  and  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  the  election  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  then,  before 
a  word  was  spoken  or  an  act  performed  by  the  incoming 
administration,  a  pre-determined  course  of  secession  and  rebel- 
lion was  entered  upon. 

ISTo  one  knew  better  than  Mr.  Bennett  the  truth,  the  force 
and  the  effect  of  the  facts  I  presented,  but  his  mind  had  been 
so  absorbed  in  his  idea  of  the  pernicious  character  of  abolition 
that  he   had   entirely  lost   sight  of    the   real   causes   of   the 


102  Selections  ekom  the  Newspaper 

rebellion.  He  reflected  a  few  minutes  and  then  changed  the 
conversation  to  an  incident  which  occurred  in  Dublin,  in  1843, 
at  an  O'Connell  meeting  which  both  of  us  attended,  though  at 
that  time  not  on  speaking  terms.  In  parting  Mr.  Bennett  cor- 
dially invited  me  to  visit  him  at  his  office  or  house  as  often  as 
I  found  it  convenient.  JSTothing  was  then  said  in  regard  to 
the  future  course  of  the  Heeald  ;  but  that  journal  came 
promptly  to  the  support  of  the  Government,  and  remained 
earnest  and  outspoken  against  the  rebellion.    ' 

It  was  charged  that  Mr.  Bennett's  changed  course  was  occa- 
sioned by  the  mob  which  surrounded  his  office,  and  it  was  also 
charged  that  the  Heeald  had  been  bought  up  b}^  the  adminis- 
tration. Both  of  these  accusations  Were  utterly  unfounded. 
Up  to  the  time  of  my  interview  with  'Mr.  Bennett,  several 
weeks  after  the  threatened  violence,  there  was  no  change  in  the 
course  of  the  Heeald,  nor  was  one  word  spoken,  suggested  or 
intimated  in  our  conversation  conveying  the  idea  of  personal 
interest  or  advancement.  My  appeal  was  made  to  Mr.  Bennett's 
judgment,  and  to  his  sense  of  duty,  as  an  inffiiential  journalist, 
to  the  government  and  Union.  That  appeal,  direct  and  sim- 
ple, was  successful.  The  President  and  Secretary  of  State, 
when  informed  of  the  result  of  my  mission,  were  much  relieved 
and  gratified.  Mr.  Lincoln  frequently  expressed  to  me  his 
desire  in  some  way  to  acknowledge  his  sense  of  obligation  to 
Mr.  Bennett,  and  some  two  years  afterward,  when  the  French 
mission  was  open,  the  President  authorized  Mr.  "Wakeman, 
then  Surveyor  of  the  port,  to  offer  it  to  Mr.  Bennett,  which, 
however,  he  declined.  Our  personal  and  social  relations  being 
thus  re-established,  they  continued  throughout  his  life. 

T.  W. 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  103 

KELIEF  FOR  SUFFERING  OPERATIVES  IK 
ENGLAND. 

A.  D.  1862, 


Washing-ton,  December  Mh,  1862. 
Robert  B.  Minturn,  Esq. : 

Dear  Sir  :  I  am  li;^ppy  to  learn  tliat  tlie  enterprise  about 
wliicli  we  cdiiversed  in  New  York  on  Tuesday  last  lias  been 
auspiciously  inaugurated.  The  organization  effected  in  New 
York  wnll  speedily  aggregate  tlie  contributions  of  our  citizens, 
and  relief  will  soon  be  on  its  way  to  tlie  suffering  families  of 
the  cotton  manufacturing  districts  of  England. 

There  can  be  no  form  of  suffering  which  appeals  with  such 
emphasis  to  intelligent  American  benevolence.  Our  unav^oida- 
ble  civil  war  is  the  innnediate  though  blameless  occasion  of  the 
want  of  eniployment  and  food  which  pervades  and  desolates 
the  manufacturing  towns  of  England.  Their  distress,  there- 
fore, appeals  as  earnestly  to  our  heads  as  to  our  hearts.  Nor 
is  the  fact  that  our  war  leaves  the  laborers  of.  Lancashire  with- 
out employment,  and  their  families  without  bread,  their  only 
claim  upon  us.  They  are  our  friends.  While  the  sympathies 
of  many  of  the  commercial  classes  of  England  are  with  the 
insurgent  States,  while  the  cotton  houses  of  Liverpool  were 
furnishing  "  material  aid  "  to  the  Confederates,  the  operatives 
of  the  cotton  districts  and  their  representatives  in  Parliament 
resisted  iieiterated  efforts  to  secure  their  co-operation  against 
our  blockade  and  in  favor  of  iiitervention. 

Though  often  reminded  of  the  source  of  their  suffering,  the 
operatives,  reduced,  from  short  labor  and  diminished  wages,  to 
idleness  and  starvation,  bear  their  burthens  with  a  j)atient  forti- 
tude which  challenges  more  than  our  sympathy. 

Their  destitution  and  forbearance  appeal  to  us,  fortified  by 
an  argument  founded  in  such  eloquent  justice  that  I  am  sure 
it  will  be  responded  to  with  ecjual  alacrity  and  munificence. 

Let  us  then  make  haste  to  "  cast  our  bread  upon  the  waters." 
Enclosed  please  find  my  check  for  $1,000. 

Yery  truly  yours, 

Thurlow  Weed. 


104  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

THE  "TRENT"  DIFFICULTY. 
A.  D.  1862. 

[From  the  Londou  Times,  England.] 


To  the  Editor  of  The  Times  : 

Sir  :  The  intimation  in  yesterday's  Times  of  "  a  yearning  in 
tliis  conntry  after "  American  views  upon  the  new  complica- 
tion of  our  relations  with  England,  followed  this  morning  by 
relaxing  and  even  kindlier  strictures,  tempts  me  to  submit 
briefly  some  thoughts  which  an  occuixence  profoundly  embar- 
rassing suggests  ;  not,  however,  upon  "  international  law,"  for, 
as  an  humble  journalist,  I  have  been  accustomed  only  to  the 
common-sense  interpretations  of  public  questions ;  and,  were  I 
at  all  qualiiied  to  enter  into  the  legal  argument,  I  should  be 
inclined  to  accept  your  own  view  of  the  question  —  viz.,  that 
time  and  circumstances  have  so  far  changed  the  practice  and 
reformed  the  principles  of  international  maritime  law  as  to 
render  the  earlier  precedents  and  authorities  largely  inajDplicable 
to  existing  eposes  ;  and,  further,  while  the  concession,  in  proving 
my  candor  may  impeach  my  patriotism,  I  am  constrained  to 
admit  that  in  the  ventilation  of  the  Laurens  seizure,  as  cited 
by  Mr.  George  Sumner,  the  bottom  has  fallen  out  of  our 
strongest  precedent. 

Dismissing,  therefore,  the  legal  considerations  of  the  Trent 
and  San  Jacinto  question,  I  confess  to  a  very  strong  "  yearn- 
ing "  that  the  English  government,  its  press,  and  its  people, 
may  be  disabused  of  an  impression  which  has  so  generally 
obtained,  that  our  government  seeks  occasions  for  disagreement, 
or  cherishes  other  than  such  feelings  as  belong  to  the  relations  of 
interest  and  amitj^  that  blend  and  bind  us  together.  I  am  even 
less  surprised  at  the  belligerent  sensibility  which  the  Trent  affair 
has  awakened  here,  than  with  the  pervading  antecedent  impres- 
sion that  our  government  entertains  hostile  purposes  toward 
England,  and  that  our  Secretary  of  State  has  actually  designed 
the  disruption  of  relations  which  I  had  supposed,  and  still 
believe,  are  almost  universally  regarded  as  essential  to  the  wel- 
fare of  our  country  and  the  happiness  of  our  people. 


Akticles  of  TnuELow  Weed.  105 

An  allegecl  conversation  of  Secretary  Seward  with  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle,  referred  to  in  The  Times,  conflicts  with  these 
assurances.  Without  precise  information  as  to  the  language 
used  by  Mr.  Seward,  I  cannot  be  mistaken  in  assuming  that 
its  spirit  was  misapprehended.  The  conversation  occcurred,  I 
believe,  at  a  dinner  given  by  Governor  Morgan  to  the  Prince 
of  Wales.  The  avowal  of  a  prominent  Senator,  who  liad  rea- 
son to  suppose  that  he  might  be  called  to  a  more  responsible 
position  in  the  government,  of  a  deliberate  intention  to  "  insult 
your  (the  Duke's)  government,^''  could  not  but  have  been  highly 
offensive.  But,  while  I  can  readily  excuse  an  English  nobleman 
for  misinterpreting  idle  or  "  loose  talk  "  in  an  American  states- 
man, to  all  Americans  the  hadinage  of  Mr.  Seward  would  have 
been  readily  understood.  Perhaps  it  would  have  been  wiser 
not  to  attempt  to  "  play  with  edged  tools."  Indeed,  from  the 
mischief  an  attempted  pleasantry  has  occasioned,  any  departure 
from  the  gravities  of  conversation  is  certainly  to  be  regretted. 
After  disclaimino',  as  I  feel  quite  authorized  in  doing,  for  Mr. 
Seward,'  unfriendly  intentions  and  feelings  toward  England,  I 
beg  to  refer  such  English  gentlemen  as  have  acquaintance  with, 
or  opportunities  for  consulting,  Mr.  Adams,  our  resident  Min- 
ister, for  a  true  reflex  of  American  sentiment  and  sympathies. 
That  distinguished  statesman,  whose  eminent  father  and  grand- 
father at  difterent  epochs  represented  our  country  ^ — first  at 
tlie  Court  of  St.  JameSj  and  subsequently  as  Presidents  of  the 
United  States  —  enjoys,  in  the  best  and  broadest  sense  of  the 
term,  the""  confidence  of  his  government;  and,  resigning  his 
seat  in  Congress  to  assume  diplomatic  responsibilities,  he  is  also 
familiar  with  the  views  and  feelings  of  our  public  men. 

Until  I  saw  the  accusation  against  Secretary  Seward  standing 
out  prominently  in  the  London  press  the  idea  had  not  entered 
my  mind,  nor  can  I  now  persuade  myself  that  it  has  any  real 
foundation  to  stand  upon.  After  the  settlement  of  the  Maine 
and  Yancouver  boundary  questions,  in  their  final  action  upon 
both  of  which  the  course  of  the  English  government  was  char- 
acterized by  enlightened  justice  and  wisdom,  I  had  supposed 
that  no  cause  of  misunderstanding  remained,  and  that  we 
might  look  forward  to  a  long  period  of  exemption  from  conflict 
or  dissension.  Subsequently  incidental  occasions  for  inter- 
changes of  national  courtesies  occurred,  calculated  and  tending 
14 


106  Selections  fkom  the  I^ewspaper 

to  coniirin  and  strengtlien  feelings  of  good  will.  These  were 
succeeded  hy  tliat  memorable  visit  of  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
whose  advent  among  us  afforded  to  the  American  people  an 
opportunity  to  mark,  in  heartfelt  ovations,  both  their  regard 
for  the  future  monarch  of  Great  Britain  and  their  high  esti- 
mate of,  and  their  personal  admiration  for,  a  Queen  whose 
eventful  and  illustrious  reign,  in  advancing  civilization,  in  pro- 
moting public  and  private  virtue,  and  in  hallowing  household 
shrines,  will  enrich  the  archives  and  brighten  the  pages  of 
England's  history.  I  often  thought,  while  witnessing,  as  I 
did,  in  several  of  our  cities,  the  spontaneous  demonstrations  of 
unmistakable  regard  from  hundreds  of  thousands  of  hearts 
warmed  by  remembrances  of  Saxon  descent,  that  if  all  England 
could  be  "  there  to  see,"  we  should  thenceforth,  as  nations, 
dwell  together  in  peace  and  friendship.  In  that  triumphal  jour- 
ney, extending  many  thousands  of  miles,  through  citjes,  towns, 
villages,  hamlets,  and  wilderness,  nothing  occurred  to  mar  its 
enjoyment.  The  American  people,  though  enthusiastic,  were 
considerate  and  respectful.  The  Prince,  either  from  intuitive 
or  inherited  good  sense  and  taste,  while  observing  all  the  pro- 
prieties of  his  position,  was  so  naturally  gracious  as  to  win 
nothing  but  "  golden  opinions,"  and  to  leave  everywhere  agree- 
able and  enduring  impressions ;  and  even  now,  so  universal  is 
the  homage  of  our  people  for  the  Queen,  that  were  Her 
Majesty  to  deign  us  a  visit.  Earl  Russell  and  Secretary  Seward, 
were  either  or  both  of  these  eminent  statesmen  disposed  to 
perpetrate  a  great  national  wrong,  would  lind  the  bonds  of 
affection  stronger  than  ambition  or  strategy. 

Upon  the  course  which  our  government  shall  deem  wise  or 
expedient  to  adopt  in  this  abrupt  emergency  it  is  scarcely  neces- 
sary to  speculate.  We  shall  not  remain  long  in  suspense.  Nor 
could  I  add  to  the  calm,  well-considered  views  contained  in  the 
letter  of  Lieut.-General  Scott,  in  whom  America  has  no  more 
devoted  patriot,  nor  England  a  more  sincere  friend.  That  dis- 
tinguished and  veteran  general  led  our  army  creditably  through 
one  war  with  England.  I,  in  humble  positions,  shared  in  tliat 
conflict ;  and  I  speak  for  both  —  enjoying  the  confidence  and 
friendship  of  our  great  chieftain  —  in  sayhig  that  neither  cares 
to  survive  another  struggle  so  revolting  to  all  who  rejoice  in  a 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  107 

common  ancestry  and  commingled  blood,  with  kindred  memo- 
rials and  associations. 

Of  the  exact  aiatnre  of  the  despatch  from  the  English  gov- 
ernment I  am  ignorant ;  bnt,  I  am  constrained  to  express  the 
opinion,  that  if  that  despatch  has  taken  the  form  of  a  peremp- 
tory demand  it  will  be  met  by  as  peremptory  a  refusal  ;  for  in 
temper  and  ^^ride  we  are  as  nnreasoning  as  the  bad  examples  of 
our  mother  country,  absurdly  intensified,  can  make  us.  But  I 
devoutly  hope  that  the  mastiff  mode  of  diplomacy  will  not,  on 
either  side,  be  resorted  to.  There  are  no  real  interests  of 
either  country  to  be  promoted  or  protected  by  a  contest  for  the 
championship.  Noy  is  it  necessary  to  determine  questions  of 
relative  prowess  or  courage.  The  battle  of  Lundy's  lane,  in 
Canada,  fought  npon  a  fair  field,  with  forces  nearly  equal, 
which  consigned  the  remains  of  TOO  British  and  700  American 
soldiers  to  "4ead  men's  beds,"  should  be  accepted  as  a  satis- 
factory solution  by  both  nations.  This  Slidell  and  Mason 
imbroglio,  which  has  been  sprung  upon  us,  places  both  govern-' 
ments  in  false  position.  England  is  running  npon  all  fours 
across  the  track  of  her  life-long  practices  and  precepts, 
while  America  is  forced,  in  maintaining  the  act  of  Commodore 
Wilkes,  to  ignore  a  policy  earnestly  insisted  upon  —  a  policy 
which,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war  of  1812,  was  left  to  be 
determined  by  the  future  good  sense  and  forbearance  of  both 
governments.  In  this  "  muddle,"  should  either  nation  be  too 
tenaciousJ-  I  do  not  say  or  think  that  in  this  matter  we  have 
done  quite  riglit,  or  that  we  are  wholly  wrong.  The  tempta- 
tions in  this  case  were  far  greater  than  can  be  understood 
abroad.  Messrs.  Slidell  and  Mason  were  responsible  leaders  in 
the  nnnatural  and  causeless  Rebellion  which  set  brother  against 
brother  in  fierce  and  brutish  civil  war.  As  Senators  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  while  unanimous  millions  sup- 
posed men  incapable  of  such  perfidy,  they  committed  acts  of 
treason  far  more  flagrant  than  the  offenses  which  have  con- 
signed the  heads  of  British  noblemen,  through  the  Tower,  to 
the  block.  It  will  require,  therefore,  calm  deliberation  and  a 
large  measure  of  forbearance  in  our  government  and  people  to 
bring  them  to  an  acquiescence  in  the  views  taken  of  this  ques- 
tion here  —  views  which,  I  am  compelled  to  admit,  have 
obtained  across  the  channel. 


108  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

But  if  events  are  not  precipitated  ;  if  time  is  given  for 
reflection,  so  that  the  cost  and  conseqnences  of  war  maj  be  cal- 
culated, my  appreliensions  would  be  greatly  relieved.  I  qnite 
concur  with  the  Ne%o  YorTi,  Trihime  in  the  opinion  that  these 
rebel  emissaries  are  not  worth  a  war,  and,  individually,  would 
not  hesitate  to  make  large  concessions,  in  feeling,  for  peace. 
With  England,  whose  canvass  whitens  every  ocean  and  sea, 
"  catching  the  dawning  rays  of  the  rising,  and  mellowed  l^y  the 
departing  beams  of  the  setting  sun,"  the  honor  of  her  flag  is 
every  thing.  In  defense  of  this  flag,  England,  with  her  blood 
heated,  will  not  sacrifice  the  "  avoirdupois  of  a  hair."  Surely, 
then,  if  appealed  to  in  a  neighborly  spirit,  we  can  afford  to  do 
for  England  wliat  we  should,  touched  in  the  same  tender  point, 
expect  England  to  do  for  America. 

Respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Thuklow  Weed. 

London,  Deceii'iber  12,  1862. 


CAIST   "KING   COTTON"   BE   DETHRONED. 

[Prom  the  London  Observer,  February  16,  1862.] 


To  the  Editor  of  The  Ohserver : 

Sm  :  The  pro23riety  of  emancipating  England  from  its 
dejDendence  upon  Southern  North  America  and  slave  labor,  for 
the  cotton  that  enters  so  largely  into  its  manufacturing  inter- 
ests, is  a  question  for  the  consideration  of  your  own  government 
and  people.  And  yet  a  stranger  may,  perhaps,  be  permitted 
to  wonder  why  a  nation  whose  far-seeing  eye  and  outstretching 
arms  are  alike  vigilant  and  prompt,  has  failed  to  perceive,  or 
neglected  to  grasp,  advantages  and  positions  so  certain  to  pro- 
mote the  material  interests,  and  to  enhance  the  moral  power  of 
England, 

I  know,  of  course,  -that  you  possess  unlimited  cotton  resources 
in  India ;  but  when  fully  developed,  as  at  no  distant  day  they 
will  be,  the  product  is  likely  to  remain  inferior  to  the  Ameri- 


Aeticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  109 

can  staple.  Wlien,  therefore,  by  the  removal  of  obstructions 
in  yonr  Indian  rjvers,  and  the  laying  of  rails  into  the  interior, 
three  millions  of  bales  are  annually  produced  from  your  own 
colony,  you  will  still  require  from  one  million  to  a  million  and 
a  half  of  bales  of  the  attenuated  fibre  from  America. 

Central  America,  with  a  climate  and  soil  as  congenial  and  as 
well  adapted  to  the  growth  of  cotton  as  the  climate  and  soil  of 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  or  Mississippi,  invites 
England  to  occupy,  develop,  and  enjoy  its  advantages.  Cotton 
is  growing  there  now  in  wild  and  spontaneous  luxuriance. 
The  country,  or  the  lands  witliout  the  country,  may  be  had  almost 
without  saying  "  by  your  leave."  Labor,  fifty  per  cent,  cheaper 
than  the  present  cost  of  American  slave  labor,  can  be  obtained ; 
and  cotton,  equal  in  quantity  and  quality,  can  be  produced  at 
half  the  cost  ofN  the  American  article.  Tlie  gold  deposits  of 
California  and  Australia,  thougli  created  for  man's  use  in  the 
beginning,  reserved  their  treasures  until  the  world's  progress 
and  enterprise  needed  and  developed  them.  So  with  the  broad 
and  fertile  cotton  fields  of  'Central  America,  Although  now 
in  a  wilderness  and  waste  condition,  they  possess,  like  the 
Thrale  estate,  for  which  Dr.  Johnson  improvised  himself  auc- 
tioneer, "  the  potentiality  of  acquiring  wealth  beyond  the 
dreams  of  avarice."  A  company  like  that  which  for  centuries 
laid  golden  eggs  in  its  Leadenhall-street  nest,  organized  to  grow 
cotton  in  Central  America,  exempted  from  the  exhausting  wars 
and  onerous  burdens  of  the  East  India  Company,  would,  in 
the  prosecution  of  beneficent  objects,  receive  permanent  and 
remunerative  evidences  of  the  wisdom  of  its  investments. 

But  I  do  not,  while  suggesting  to  England  advantages  which 
competent  Americans  have  for  their  own  purposes  satisfactorily 
demonstrated,  claim  to  be  either  disinterested  or  unselfish. 
This  cotton  question  concerns  the  government  and  people  of 
the  United  States  even  m^ore  deeply  than  it  concerns  England. 
Though  concurring  interest  and  vaulting  ambition  worked  the 
element,  cotton  was  the  moving  cause  and  motive  power  of  the 
civil  war  in  America ;  and  upon  cotton,  in  view  of  the  necessi- 
ties of  Europe,  rebellion  relies  for  pecuniary  aid  and  moral 
influence  to  maintain  its  defiant  position.  The  increasing 
demand  for  cotton,  with  enormous  aggravations  in  price, 
immensely  enhanced  the  profits  of   slave  labor.     This  occa- 


110  Selections  fkom  the  I^ewspapeb 

sioned  a  corresponding  rise  in  tlie  slave  market.  Six  or  seven 
years  ago  a  hundred  pounds  was  about  the  vahie  of  a  ("  field 
hand  ")  negro.  One  year  ago  the  same  negro  would  readily 
sell  for  from  two  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hitndred  and 
seventy-five  pounds.  This  begat  a'  desire  for  extended  cotton 
fields  and  more  slaves ;  and  hence  the  bold  effort  to  subject 
free  territory  to  slavery,  and  to  re-open  the  African  slave  trade. 
But  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  thwarted  both  of  these  designs, 
and  then,  without  further  provocation,  rebellion  was  resorted 
to.  If,  then,  the.  increasing  demand  and  augmenting  price  of 
cotton,  occasioning  civil  war  in  America,  also  cripjDles  the 
manufacturing  and  deranges  the  commercial  interests  of  the 
Old  World,  shall  we  not  endeavor  to  obviate  the  evil  ?  And 
if  he  who  "  causes  two  blades  of  grass  to  grow  where  but  one 
was  produced,"  is  hailed  as  a  "  public  benefactor,"  how  much 
more  abnndantlv  will  the  Government  that  brino;s  new,  fertile, 
and  boundless  cotton  fields  into  subjection  and  use,  merit  pop- 
ular approbation  ? 

I  will  neither  discuss  nor  ask  how  soon  or  how  much  cotton 
would  be  obtained  by  breaking  our  blockade.  With  the  unde- 
viating  policy  of  your  government  and  the  understood  views 
of  its  Ministers  on  this  question,  I  am  content.  And  while  I 
write  I  am  gratified  with  evidence  confirming  an  opinion 
expressed  a  year  ago  in  my  own  journal,  "  that  Europe,  under 
the  pressure  of  necessity,  would  rise  and  emancipate  itself  from 
the  cupidity  and  ca]3rices  of  King  Cotton."  London  journals 
furnish  the  agreeable  information  that  "  American  seed  "  in 
Jamaica,  in  Smyrna,  and  in  Macedon,  is  reproducing  market- 
able cotton.  And  in  the  parliamentary  debate  of  Friday  eve- 
ning Lord  Palmerston  said  :  "At  the  same  time  much  progress 
has  been  made,  and  my  honorable  friend  is  quite  right  in  say- 
ing that  if  the  slave  trade  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa  could  be 
stopped,  there  are  resources  of  legitimate  trade  of  infinite 
value,  not  only  to  that  country,  but  to  every  country  in 
Europe,  and  especially  to  England.  IN^ot  long  ago  my  honor- 
able friend.  Captain  Foot,  went  from  Lagos  to  Abeokuta,  and, 
describing  his  journey,  he  says  there  was  a  great  zone  in  which 
the  cotton  plant  grew  spontaneously,  but  there  %oas  no  one  to  - 
gather  it,  hut  evidently  its  quality  was  of  great  value,  and 
well  calculated  for  manufacture.    I  i3an  assure  my  honorable 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  Ill 

friend  that  no  exertions  will  be  omitted,  first,  to  eradicate  the 
abominable  practice  of  human  sacrifice,  and  next  to  stop  the 
slave  trade  as  far  as  possible."  Here,  then,  is  a  field  open,  the 
cultivation  of  which  would  subserve  the  double  purpose  of  pro- 
moting the  material  interests  of  England,  and  of  diminishing 
the  evils  of  ,  the  slave  trade.  Before  dismissing  this  question 
Lord  Palmerston  added  :  "  It  is  quite  true  that,  owing  to  the 
civil  war  in  America,  the  Federal  governmeut  has  withdrawn 
the  greatei"  part  of  their  cruisers  from  the  coast  of  Africa,  and 
I  cannot  say,  off-hand,  whether  there  still  remains  that  number 
of  guns  which  the  United  States  are  bound  by  treaty  to  main- 
tain on  that  coast  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade  ;  but  it 
is  quite  true  that  the  Federal  government  have  shown  the 
most  anxious  and  sincere  desire  to  put  in  force  their  laws 
against  the  slave  trade."  The  wisdom  of  "  Captain  Bunsby's  " 
opinion  will  be  found  in  the  "  application  of  it."  So  with  the 
laws  for  the  suppression  of  the  African  slave  trade.  They  are 
wisely  framed,  but,  unfortunately,  so  far  as  America  is  con- 
cerned, they  have  been  most  laxly  administered.  Pro-slavery 
administrations  have  not  cared  to  evince  either  zeal  or  alacrity 
in  catching  slavers.  And  it  is  but  fair  that  England  should  be 
informed  that  it  is  for  this  reason  her  government  has  found 
occasion  to  complain  frecpiently  of  our  neglect  to  perform  our 
share  of  doty,  in  the  execution  of  an  international  law  which 
contemplates  the  suppression  of  the  African  slave  trade.  And 
it  is  proper,  also,  to  apprise  England  that  this  well-founded 
complaint  exists  no  longer.  It  has  been  thoroughly  reformed 
by  the  present  administration,  in  the  appointment  of  capable, 
vigilant  officers,  whose  hearts  are  in  the  work,  and  by  whose 
energy  the  African  slave  traffic  has  been  cnt  np,  root  and 
branch,  at  home.  Mr.  Murray,  the  United  States  Marshal  at 
'New  York,  has  seized  more  slave  vessels,  and  arrested  more 
traifickers  in  the  slave  trade,  within  ten  months,  than  were 
seized  or  arrested  during  the  ten  preceding  years.  The  master 
of  a  slaver,  capitally  convicted,  is  now  awaiting  execution, 
while  several  others  await  their  trial.  The  efficiency  of  the 
marshals  in  New  York,  Boston,  etc.,  has  rendered  the  traffic 
so  hazardous  that  the  duty  of  Her  Majesty's  ships  off  the  coast 
of  Africa  will  be  much  lightened. 

And  here  let  me  do  the  South  the  jnstice  to  say,  that  slaves 


112  Selections  feom  the  ISTewspaper 

are  pnrcliased  and  fitted  out  in  Northern  ports.  This  deep 
disgrace,  however,  is  partially  relieved  by  the  fact  that  most  of 
the  merchants  and  masters  engaged  in  the  traffic,  though  resid- 
ing in  Northern  cities,  are  either  Spaniards  or  Portuguese. 

Yours,  etc., 

T.  W. 
Hanover  Square,  London,  February  14,  1862. 


THE  PKESIDE]^TIAL  ELECTION. 

[From  the  New  York  Times,  Oct.  17, 1864.] 


LETTER    IN    FAVOR    OF    LINCOLN    AND   JOHNSON. 

Albany,  Oct.  13,  1864. 
Hon.  Abraham  WaJceman : 

Dear  Sir  :  On  my  return  home  this  morning,  I  find  confir- 
mation of  what  yon  and  others  told  me  in  New  York,  viz. :  that 
a  letter  npon  tlie  Presidential  question  is  expected  from  me. 
The  views  I  entertained  on  this  question  early  in  September, 
will  be  found  in  the  following  extract  of  a  letter,  which  ap- 
peared in  the  Evening  Journal : 

"  Those  who  desire  the  preservation  of  the  Government  and 
Union,  be  they  Democrat  or  Republican,  will  keep  their  eyes 
upon  these  secession  emissaries,  and  npon  the  Chicago  Conven- 
tion. We  shall  see  how  far  the  views  of  Messrs.  Clay,  Thomp- 
son, Sanders,  etc.,  influence  the  action  of  that  Convention.  We 
shall  see  what  sort  of  men  are  nominated  and  what  principles 
are  avowed.  If  statesmen  or  soldiers,  who  have  since  the  out- 
break of  the  Rebellion,  given  their  services  to  the  country,  are 
placed  upon  a  platform  which  demands  a  vigorous  prosecution  of 
the  war,  on  the  basis  of  Union  and  Peace  —  which  requires  all 
in  rebellion  to  return  to  their  allegiance  and  to  the  enjoyment  of 
their  rights  under  the  Constitution  —  if,  we  repeat,  such  men 
are  nominated  and  such  principles  are  enunciated  at  Chicago,  I 
shall  hail  the  result  with  heartfelt  joy.     Such  a  nomination 


Akticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  113 

would  leave  every  elector  to  clioose  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
another  candidate  for  President  equally  patriotic. 

"But  if  Yallandigliani's  and  Sanders'  influence  prevails  at 
Chicago  ;  if  a  candidate  of  even  suspected  loyalty  be  nominated, 
or  if  the  Convention,  in  its  organization  and  platform,  gives  an 
uncertain  sound,"  or  betrays  disunion  proclivities,  it  will  not 
only  provoke  the  united  opposition  of  Republicans,  but  lose 
the  support  of  War  Democrats. 

The  loyal  Democracj^  go  to  Chicago  witli  the  odds  and 
chances  against  them.  Tlie  condition  and  circumstances  of  the 
country  are  inauspicious.  These  disadvantages,  however,  de- 
mand increased  zeal,  devotion  and  firmness,  iind  if,  at  last, 
malign  influences  prevail,  the  riglit  and  duty  of  appeal  re- 
mains. 

My  reasons  for  desiring  a  change  of  Administration  are 
known  to  those  wlio  have  read  what  I  have  felt  constrained  to 
say  since  December,  1860,  first  as  editor  of  the  Journal^  and 
subsequently  in  occasional  letters.  I  protested,  early  and  earn- 
estly, against  the  Abolition  proclivities  of  the  Republican  party, 
of  Congress  and  of  the  Administration.  I  foresaw,  more  closely 
than  others,  the  certainty  of  a  formidable  rebellion  —  a  rebel- 
lion that  would  try  the  strength  of  our  Government  and  tax 
the  energies  of  our  whole  people.  In  view  of  such  an  emer- 
gency I  fett  that  no  mere  party,  and  least  of  all,  an  Abolition 
party,  could  preserve  the  Government  and  Union  ;  that  the 
policy  of  the  Administration  should  tend  to  xinite  the  l^orth 
and  to  dmide  the  South.  And  what  I  complained  of  was  that 
just  so  far  as  Abolition  counsels  prevailed,  they  reversed  this 
proposition  by  dimding  the  North  and  uniting  the  South.  I 
know  now  what  I  helieved  in  1860,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  ought  to 
have  made  a  Union  Cabinet.  Such  a  Cabinet  and  Policy  would 
have  carried  us  through  the  rebellion  with  infinitely  less  expense 
of  blood  and  treasure.  It  is,  in  my  judgment,  a  mistake  to 
have  supposed  that  he  could  not  sustain  himself  without  the 
support  of  ultra  abolition.  In  boldly  prosecuting  the  war  for 
the  Government  and  the  Union,  he  would  have  been  trium- 
phantly sustained  by  the  really  and  rationally  patriotic  masses. 
The  influences  which  he  sought  to  propitiate  have  been  a  drag 
both  upon  his  administration  and  the  war.  And  after  all  his 
concession  to  the  insatiate  spirit  of  radical  Abolition,  its  leaders 
15 


114  Selections  feom  the  JSTewspapek 

turned  against  and  endeavored  to  overthrow  liim  !  Months 
after  liis  renomination,  Abolition  leaders  wei'e  engaged  in  a 
conspiracy  to  force  his  withdrawal !  Hostile  circnlars,  signed 
by  editors  of  the  Evening  Post,  Tribune  and  Independent, 
were  drifting  about  in  September ;  nor  was  the  project  of  an- 
other Presidential  nominee  abandoned  nntil  three  days  pre- 
vious to  the  meeting  of  onr  State  Convention. 

The  Democratic  party  was  represented  by  its  N^ational  Con- 
vention. In  its  candidates  for  President  and  Yice-President^ 
and  in  its  "platform,"  we  mnst  find  reasons  for  accepting  or 
rejecting  a  Democratic  Administration.  Two  facts  are,  in  my 
estimation,  conclusively  demonstrated  by  the  action  of  that 
Convention.  First,  that  Gen.  McClellan  was  not  the  choice  of 
a  majority  of  the  Convention  ;  and  second,  when  forced  to  take 
him,  the  "  Peace  party  "  delegates  avenged  themselves  by  forc- 
ing their  own  nominee  for  Yice-President  and  their  own  "  plat- 
form "  upon  the  Convention.  This  characterizes  the  Demo- 
cratic ticket.  The  "  platform  "  offends  the  patriotism  of  every 
loyal  elector.  It  offended  Gen.  McClellan  and  all  War  Demo- 
crats. It  contains  no  sentiment,  sentence,  expression  or  inti- 
mation, from  which  an  impartial  reader  can  learn  to  which  side 
of  the  war  the  Chicago  Convention  belongs.  There  is  no  word 
of  condemnation  or  censnre,  either  of  secession  or  rebellion,  in 
it.  The  portions  of  it  not  positively  disloyal  are  "  mere  glitter- 
ing generalities."  Indeed,  so  tenderly  is  Rebellion  tonched,  that 
strong  color  is  given  to  the  charge  that  Washington  Hunt's 
"  armistical "  plank  was  inserted  at  the  snggestion  of  the  Con- 
federate Commissioners  with  whom  he  conferred  in  Canada. 

Bnt  wdiy  labor  to  prove  the  disloyalty  of  the  Chicago  plat- 
form ?  Its  real  character  was  determined  in  the  manner  of  its 
reception  by  the  people.  All  but  those  whose  sentiments  and 
sympathies  are  with  rebellion,  instantly  "spit  upon  it."  There 
is  no  possibility  of  mistaking  the  language  of  Patriotism.  It 
rings  out  in  a  loud,  clear,  clarion  voice,  filling  the  ears  and 
warming  the  hearts  of  all  true  men.  The  Chicago  platform  is 
essentially  and  unmistakably  hostile  to  the  Government,  and  it 
is  known  and  felt  to  be  so,  even  by  tlie  War  Democrats,  who 
are  reluctantly  standing  and  working  upon  it.  Should  the 
people  of  the  Free  States  declare  in  favor  of  such  a  "  Platform," 
our  Government  and  Union,  with  all  the  blood  and  treasure 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  115 

expended,  lirst  to  establish,  and  now  to  preserve  them,  are 
hopelessly  and  irretrievably  lost.  The  day  that  such  a  record  is 
made,  terminates  om-  existence  as  a  Republic,  by  sponging  the 
United  States  out  of  the  Map  of  JN'ations.    When  we  ourselves, 

"  EMPHATICALLY  DECLARE  AS  THE  SENSE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEO- 
PLE," in  favor  of  a  craven  "  cessation  of  hostilities,"  France 
and  England,  taking  us  at  our  word,  will  step  in  and  "  medi- 
ate" us  into  broken  and  separate  fragments,  to  be  recon- 
structed, some  saj,  upon  the  Germanic  Confederation  plan. 

Democratic  friends  who  had  manfully  sustained  the  M^ar,  and 
who  agree  with  me  in  repudiating  their  "  platform,"  claim  my 
support  of  Gen.  McClellan  upon  his  letter.  With  that  letter, 
were  it  possible  to  divorce  him  from  Mr.  Pendleton  and  the 
"  platform,"  I  should  be  content.  But  this  is  quite  impossible. 
A  vote  for  Gen.  McClellan  is  also  a  vote  for  Mr.  Pendleton 
and  against  Andrew  Johnson  ! 

When  the  rebellion  broke  out,  Messrs.  Johnson  and  Pendle- 
ton were  Democratic  members  of  Congress,  the  former  from  a 
slave,  the" latter  from  a  free  State.  Mr.  Johnson,  though  per- 
iling all  he  had  and  was,  threw  himself  gallantly  into  the  con- 
flict for  the  Government  and  Union ;  while  Mr.  Pendleton, 
though  less  openly  disloyal  than  his  colleagues  Vallandigham 
and  Long,  4ias  voted  and  sympathized  with  them,  and  was  their 
candidate  for  Yice-President.  His  party  cannot  now  point, 
during  the  whole  four  years  of  war  to  a  patriotic  vote  or  a  gener- 
ous utterance.  Upon  no  Congressional  condemnation  of  rebel- 
lion has  he  stood  with  Griswold,  Odell,  Stebbins,  and  other 
War  Democratic  members  of  Congress.  So  bad,  indeed,  is  the 
record  of  Messrs.  Pendleton  and  Long,  that  their  districts  have 
just  elected  two  Union  men  in  their  places  by  large  majorities. 
Can  /vote  for  George  H.  Pendleton  against  Andrew  Johnson, 
for  Yice-President  ?  ISTo  !  Can  any  consistent  friend  of  the 
countrv  ?  Certainly  not. 

There  were  many  earnest  War  Democrats  in  the  Chicago 
Convention,  working  hard  to  counteract  its  ignominious  peace 
proclivities.  The  friends  of  Gen.  McClellan  endeavored  to  se- 
cure the  nomination  of  Guthrie,  or  Phelps,  or  Caton,  for  Yice- 
President.  But  failing,  they  fell  into  the  common  political 
error  of  acquiescence.  And  now,  the  worst  feature  in  the  case 
is  the  fact,  that  while  the  loyal  men  are  satisfied  with  McClel- 


116  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

Ian,  the  peace  men  are  content  with  Pendleton  and  the  Plat- 
form, all  being  united  in  support  of  the  ticket.  This  throws 
Dean  Richmond  and  Sanford  E.  Church  into,  the  canvass, 
shoulder  to  shoulder,  with  Clement  Vallandigham  and  Fernando 
Wood. 

Gren.  McClellan  is  wholly  inexperienced  in  civil  duties,  his 
education  and  pursuits  having  been  military.  This,  though 
ever  to  be  regretted,  would  be  peculiarly  a  misfortune  now,  for 
as  his  party  is  constituted,  he  would  not  be  at  liberty  to  form  a 
Loyal  Cabinet.  That  Cabinet  would  hamper  and  embarrass,  if 
it  did  not  control  him.  This,  indeed,  has  been  Mr.  Lincoln's 
case.  His  party  was  made  up  of  Whigs,  Radical  Democrats  and 
Abolitionists.  The  influence  of  the  latter  .elements  predominat- 
ing, his  Cabinet  took  that  complexion.  Hence,  under  the  aus- 
pices of  a  strong  will  in  the  Treasury  Department,  backed  by 
corresponding  influences  in  Congress,  the  Governm  ent  has  been 
crippled  and  the  war  intensified  and  prolonged  by  avowing  the 
destruction  of  Slavery  rather  than  the  preservation  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  Union,  as  its  object. 

And  such,  were  Gen.  McClellan  President,  would  be  his  con- 
dition. The  disloyal  element  predominates  in  his  party.  The 
Democratic  United  States  Senators  (with  one  exception),  the 
leading  journals,  and  the  representative  men  generally  of  his 
party,  are  committed  or  committing  themselves,  to  an  armistice 
and  peace  policy.  He  could  not,  therefore,  move  a  step  until 
he  surrendered  his  administration  to  men  and  influences  whose 
councils  would  work  but  a  peace  so  dishonoring  in  terms  and 
so  disastrous  in  effect,  as  to  occasion  fresh  and  interminable 
wars. 

The  objection  to  Gen.  McClellan's  election,  therefore,  are  to  be 
found  less  in  himself  than  in  his  political  surroundings.  These 
are  largely  disloyal,  and  it  requires  a  higher  degree  of  moral 
courage  than  he  possesses  to  shake  them  off.  The  influences 
which  surround  a  President  usually  shape  his  action.  Of  all 
our  Presidents  Gen.  Jackson  alone  liad  the  laill  to  detei'mine 
and  pursue  his  own  course  —  or,  in  other  words,  "  to  take  the 
responsibility."  With  this  knowledge,  we  should  have  nothing 
but  evil  to  expect  from  Gen.  McClellan's  election  as  President. 
And  deprecating,  as  I  have  done  and  do,  the  malign  influence 
of  Sumner,  Pomeroy  and  Lane,  with  others  of  their  stripe,  in 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  IIY 

Congress,  I  cannot,  even  to  escape  such  evils,  fly  to  others 
threatening  our  country  with  the  last  and  worst  calamity. 

The  Convention  which  nominated  Pendleton  and  placed 
McClellan  on  a  platform  that  would  trip  up  even  Blondin, 
would,  had  the  power  resided  in  it,  have  made  an  instant  peace, 
ingloriously  recognizing  the  Confederate  Government  and 
shivering  this  Republic  into  fragments!  Can  we,  after  all  the 
sacrifices  Rebellion  has  occasioned,  and  when,  as  we  hope,  these 
sacrifices  are  soon  to  be  compensated  by  the  overthrow  of  our 
enemies,  submit  to  such  wrong  and  humiliation  ?  If,  as  I 
assume,  we  cannot  and  will  not  so  dishonor  our  country,  so 
degrade  ourselves,  and  so  outrao-e  the  memories  of  hundreds  of 
thousands  who  have  written  their  devotion  to  the  Union  in 
their  own  red  blood,  let  us  vote  the  Peace  party  down.  Let  us 
not  consign  all  there  is  left  of  this  priceless  Government  and 
precious  Union,  to  the  hands  of  those  who  are  impatient  for  an 
ignominious,  shameful  peace  "  upon  the  best  attainable  terms," 
whether  they  conspire  at  Chicago  under  Yallandigham  and  ■ 
Wood,  or  in  Canada  under  Saunders  and  Greeley. 

While  the  peoj^le  have  not  had,  in  results,  the  worth  of  their 
treasure  and  blood ;  though  our  armies,  especially  of  the  Poto- 
mac, hav^  not  been  ably  handled  ;  and  though  our  navy  has 
not  —  with  some  noble  exceptions,  for  the  name  of  Porter  re- 
mains bright,  and  that  of  Farragut  belongs  to  imperishable 
fame  —  maintained  the  character  it  won  in  the  war  with  Eng- 
land, much  has  been  accomplished  in  the  right  direction.  Re- 
bellion has  been  driven  from  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Tennessee 
and  Arkansas,  while  our  army  and  navy  hold  portions  of  Vir- 
ginia, the  Carolinas,  Georgia,  Alabama  and  Texas.  Heavy 
and  telling  blows  have  been  dealt  by  Farragut,  Sherman  and 
Sheridan,  and  we  are  justified  in  believing  that  Grant  will  perfect 
his  military  character  and  finish  the  rebellion  by  the  conquest  of 
Richmond.  We  know  that  the  enemy,  in  his  last  conscriptions, 
exhausted  his  material,  and  that  he  must  now  fight  it  out  with 
the  men  in  the  field ;  while,  if  we  will,  in  addition  to  the  rein- 
forcements now  hastening  '  to  the  front,"  we  can  bring  fresh 
and  crushing  legions  into  action.  We  know  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
is  loyal,  persevering  and  devoted,  and  that  he  is  doing  all  he 
can  do  to  conquer  a  peace.     This  is  not  all  we  desire,  but  it  is 


118  Selections  feom  the  I^ewspapek 

vastly  more  tlian  we  sliould  get  from  a  Peace  Party  Adminis- 
tration. 

That  we  have  experienced  enough 

"  The  grappling  vigor  and  rougli  frowns  of  war  " 

sacrificed  enough  of  treasure,  and  sent  more  than  enough  of 
our  gallant  sons  to  their  "^^ry  beds,"  who  will  deny  ?  And 
that  all  hearts  ache  for  peace,  who  can  doubt  ? 

"  Let  it  not  disgrace  m,e, 
If  I  demand,  before  tliis  royal  view, 
What  rubs,  or  wliat  impediment  there  is, 
Why  that  the  naked,  poor,  and  mangled  Peace, 
Dear  narse  of  arts,  plenties  and  joyful  births, 
Should  not,  in  this  best  garden  of  the  world, 
*****     p^i;  y^p  ]^er  lovely  visage!" 

But  the  boon  of  Peace  is  only  to  be  wooed  and  won  by  persist- 
ent valor.  Every  truculent,  sickly  cry  for  peace  aggravates  and 
protracts  the  war.  Until,  by  military  mastery,  the  rebellion  is 
subdued,  we  can  have  no  peace  on  endurable  terms.  "  White 
feathers"  at  the  N^ortli  are  more  dangerous  to  our  Government 
and  Union  than  the  sabres  and  bayonets  of  the  South.  In  the 
present  aspect  of  war,  our  best  and  most  effective  peace  com- 
missioners are  Farragut  and  Sherman,  Grant,  Hancock  and 
Sheridan.  Meanwhile,  the  Administration  itself  should  work 
out  of  its  false  position,  and  by  some  unequivocal  act  or  declara- 
tion, solemnly  avow  that  the  war  is  prosecuted  to  maintain 
the  Government  and  to  restore  the  Union ;  and  that,  when  mis- 
guided States  and  peoples  return  to  their  allegiance,  the  Angel 
of  Peace  will  revisit  and  bless  our  too  severely  chastised 
country. 

Our  country  is  in  an  anomalous  condition.  The  two  great 
political  parties  are  embarrassed  with  antagonisms.  The  Repub- 
lican party  is  associated  with  an  Abolition  element  which  first 
invited  rebellion,  and  then  demanded  a  war  issue  which  divides 
the  people  and  weakens  the  Government. 

The  Democratic  party  is  demoralized  by  a  "  Copperhead " 
element  vvhose  disloyalty  ran  that  party  under  in  1863,  and 
whose  successfril  resistance,  at  Chicago,  to  enlightened  and  pa- 
triotic action,  will  occasion  a  second  Democratic  collapse. 

I  had  hoped  that  these  ultra  and  malign  elements  would  have 
''  sloughed  off "  from  both  parties,  leaving  the  conservative 
masses  to  unite  and  save  the  country. 


,  Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  119 

In  denouncing  "  abolition,"  as  I  do  now,  and  have  ever  done, 
allow  nie  to  guard  against  misconstruction.  The  old  Whig 
party  was  ever  and  inflexibly  opposed  to  slavery  extension  and 
affo'i-ession. '  But  there  Avas  a  broad  and  well-understood  distinc- 
tion  between  the  Whig  opponents  of  slavery  and  the  fanatical 
Abolitionists.  With  the  opponents  of  slavery,  led  by  John 
Qiiincy  Adams,  I  lived  and  labored  in  harmony,  and  with  zeal. 
But  we  were  eternally  opposed  by  the  Birney,  Goodell,  Gar- 
rison and  other  fanatical  Abolitionists,  who,  in  elections,  so  cast 
their  "  third  party  "  vote  as  to  elect  pro-slavery  Governors, 
Congressmen  and  Presidents,  and  iinally,  by  defeating  Mr. 
Clay,  brought  Texas  into  the  Union  as  a  Slave  State.  That 
class'  of  Abolitionists  throw  themselves  across  the  track  of  all 
healthful  political  organizations.  '  They  were  the  worst  enemies 
of  the  Whig  pai'ty  then . —  they  are  "  the  best  friends  "  of  rebel- 
lion now.  Tlie'y  were  pestilent  before  and  have  been  destructive 
during  the  war.  -But  my  abhorrence  of  Abolition  fanaticism 
does  not  in  the  least  weaken  my  detestation  of  a  slave  rebellion.. 
The  devilish  ambitions  foste'red  by  that  cursed  institution  may 
cost  us  our  Government  and  Union  —  will,  indeed,  if  slavery 
and  abolition  combined  can  work  out  that  great  national  crime. 
Our  danger  has  been,  and  is,  that  abolition,  in  doing  precisely 
what  I  foretold  —  dividing  the  JSTorth  and  uniting  the  South  — 
may  enable  rebellion  and  slavery  to  avei't  the  penalty  both  so 
richly  merit  ■ —  a  common  grave.  ^ 

It  M^as  this  dread  of  ^ultra  Abolition,  embarrasing  Mr;  Lincoln 
in  the  past,  and  threatening  embarrassment  in  the  future,  that 
induced  me  to  hope  for  a  change  of  Administration.  I  believed 
that  a  Democratic  President,  as  earnest  as  Mr.  Lincoln  against 
the  rebellion,  and  exempted  from  the  influences  that  have  beset 
and  badgered  him  from  the  beginning,  could  prosecute  the  war 
more  successfully;  and,  the  fighting  over,  would  find  himself 
less  encumbered,  pei'plexed  and  tormented,  during  the  most  dif- 
ficult of  all  the  duties  of  a  President  --  the  readjustment  of  our 
disjointed  machinery  of  Government. 

The  responsibilities  of  the  Administration  have  been,  during 
its  four  years  of  trial,  so  great,  that  the  Democratic  party,  had 
it  been  patriotic  —  or  if  it  had  even  seemed  to  be  so  —  would 
have  taken  the  Government.  Its  Disloyal  State  organizations 
finally  culminated  at  Chicago,  whei'e  the  right  way  was  so  clear 


120  Selections  fkom  the  N^ewspaper 

and  straight  that  only  those  who  were  previously  bent  on  pur- 
suing the  wrong,  could  mistake  it.  ISTor,  in  seasons  of  common 
danger,  is  there  any  difhculty  in  discriminating  between  Patri- 
otism and  disloyalty.  In  a  War  which  exhausts  their  substance 
and  drinks  their  blood,  the  People  are  never  deceived.  At 
such  times  they  think  and  feel  deeply.  Instincts  and  impulses 
anticipate  argument  and  jump  at  conclusions,  l^ow,  as  in  1812, 
a  questionable  Patriotism  is  virtually  admitted  Disloyalty. 
Kow,  as  then,  the  Political  Barometer  rises  or  falls  with  the 
changing  fortunes  of  our  Armies  Victories  depress,  while 
disasters  encourage  the  opponents  of  the  Administration, 

Heretofore,  during  a  long  political  experience,  it  has  not  been~ 
needful,  on  the  eve  of  a  Presidential  election,  that  my  position 
should  be  defined.  ]^or  would  it  now  have  been  necessary  if 
the  life  of  the  I^ation  did  not  depend  upon  the  result.  Op- 
pressed by  this  conviction,  I  have  anxiously  watched  events, 
with  a  determination  to  be  governed  ^ by  them.  In  a  canvass 
which  involves  the  very  existence  of  the  Republic,  men  are  to 
be  judged  by  their  fitness  for  the  great  trust  to  be  confided  to 
them.  I  have  endeavored,  impartially,  to  measure  the  Presi- 
dential nominees  by  this  rule.  Assuming,  as  I  do,  that  both  are 
men  of  integrity  and  patriotism,  I  have  sought  and  found  a  solu- 
tion of  my  embarrassment  in  their  relative  associations  and  sur- 
roundings. I  find  the  supporters  of  Mr.  Lincoln  solemnly 
pledged  to,  and  earnestly  engaged  in,  the  work  of  "  crushing," 
with  the  army  and  navy  of  the  Government,  an  enormously 
wicked  rebellion.  Less  than  this,  in  view  of  what  tlie  war  has 
already  cost,  cannot  be  submitted  to.  On  the  .other  hand  I  find 
a  majority  of  the  convention  by  which  Gen.  McClellan  was  nomi- 
nated "  solemnly  pledged  "  to  an  "■  armistice,"  and  to  a  policy 
which  contemplates  peace  and  disunidn.  While  Gen,  McClel- 
lan is  supported  by  War  Democrats,  I  find,  also,  that  "  Copper- 
heads "  and  Secessionists  accept  Mr.  Pendleton  and  the  "  plat- 
form "  as  their  portion  of  the  inheritance. 

The  political  "  signs  of  the  time  "  are  full  of  hope  and  joy. 
Pecent  results  convert  confidence  into  assurance.  And  the 
sense  of  relief  comes  where  the  danger  was  most  imminent.  In 
Indiana,  where  treason  was  most  rife,  and  traitors  boldest,  the 
triumph  is  overwhelming.  So  last  year  in  Ohio,  where  "  Cop- 
perheads "  had  the  hardihood  to  present  Yallaudigham  for  Gov- 


.Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  121 

emor,  the  popular  indignation  crushed  tliem  out  of  political 
existence.  Thus  —  if  the  illustration  be  not  irreverent  —  where 
disloyal  sin  abounds,  patriotic  grace  abounds  much  more  abund- 
antly. Yours  truly, 

Thuklow  Weed. 


WAR  RECOED  OF  EX-SECRETARY  CHASE. 

A.   D.    1861:. 
[From  the  New  York  Times.] 


What  does  Mr.  Weed  mean?  The  only  despotism  of  which 
there  has  been  any  complaint  in  this  period  of  the  war  has 
been  that  of  Mr.  Weed's  admired  friend,  the  Secretary  of  State, 
which,  for  our  part,  we  liave  never  found  fault  with,  but  which 
Secretary  Chase  has  consistently  opposed.  Again,  does  Mr. 
Weed  mean  to  charge  that  Chase  "  did  not  desire  a  restoration 
of  the  Union  ?  "  He  says  so  as  plainly  as  he  can  without  dis- 
tinctly-framing an  accusation.  If  he  does,  he  is  guilty  of  a 
very  contemptible,  very  j^alpable,  and  very  deliberate  lie.  We 
have  in  another  column  taken  occasion  to  characterize  a  lie  by 
inshiuation.  H  we  have  said  any  thing  to  make  such  a  lie 
appear  despicable,  we  should  like  to  treble  its  significance  and 
present  it  as  our  estimate  of  this  assertion  -  of  Mi'.  Weed's. 
{^Brooklyn  .Daily  Union. 

The  "  despotism  "  from  which  I  felt,  in  common  with  eman- 
cipated thousands,  a  sense  of  relief,  is  well  understood  at 
Washington.  Mr.  Chase,  in  the  exercise  of  the  vast  patronage 
of  his  department,  was  a  despot.  ■  He  preserved  his  power 
over  the  President  by  reit-erated  threats  to  resign.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, under  the  erroneous  impression  that  he  could  not  dispense 
with  the  services  of  his  Secretary  of  tlie  -Treasury,  yielded  and 
endure'd  until  humarr  patience  was  exhausted.  Mr.  Chase  tried 
the  resignation  dodge  once  too  often.  Mr.  Lincoln's  error  was 
in  living  so  long  in  torment. 

The  final  breach  was  occasioned  by  the  refusal  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln to  ratify  an  improper  appointment.  In  declining  to 
accept  Mr.  Chase's  nominee,  Mr.  Lincoln  suggested  Richard 
16  ^  ^  - 


122  Selections  from  the  JS^ewspaper 

M.  Blatcliford,  Dudley  S.  Gregory  or  Tliomas,  Hilllionse,  as 
assistant  Treasurer.  But  Mr.  Chase  was  inflexible  —  des- 
jootic  —  Mr.  Field,  or  resignation  ! 

In  view  of  the  notoriously  unworthy  men  with  whom  Mr. 
Chase  had  surrounded  himself,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  certainly  justi- 
fied in  pausing.  Mr.  Chase,  not  long  previously,  had  made 
the  same  point  in  relation  to  a  l^ew  York  Custom  House 
appointment,  and  the  President  yielded.  The  organization  of 
the  I^ew  York  Custom  House  is  a  living,  burning  disgrace. 
Mr.  Chase  had  evidence  of  infamous  practices,  but  refused^to 
act.  When  charges  showing  that  the  enemy  was  receiving 
supplies  through  the  Custom  House  were  so  rife  that  the  Presi- 
dent, in  December  last,  called  the  Secretary's  attention  to 
them,  he  replied  curtly  that  he  had  "  no  information  affecting 
the  iiitegrity  of  the  Collector."  Hfe  had,  however,  abundance 
of  information  afiecting  the  integrity  of  other  oflicials,  but' 
instead  of  removing  them,  his  special  agent  sj)ent  months  in 
efforts  to  strangle  investigations  and  cover  up  rascalities,  Mr. 
Chase  knew  that  there  were  men  in  the  Custom  House  whose 
only  service  was  to  sign  a  pay  roll.  He  knew  that  others  were 
dishonest  —  that  one  was  detected  in  leaving  his  department 
with  goods  concealed  upon  his  person.  He  has  known  for 
three  years  that  gross  Custom  House  dishonesty  exists  at 
Osweo^o.     But  he  ffave  "no  sisTi." 

O  o  o 

Mr.  Clark,  whom  he  placed  at  the  head  of  the  money  bureau, 
at  Washington,  had  been  exjDOsed  officially,  for  dishonesty  in 
the  extension  of  the  treasury  building,  a  work  progressing 
under  the  eye  of  Mr.  Chase  !  And  yet  he  placed  that  man  in 
a  position  of  overwhelming  pecuniary  trust !  He  not  only 
placed  a  tabooed  man  in  such  a  position,  but  refused  to  remove 
him  on  the  report  of  his  own  solicitor  of  the  treasury,  Mr. 
Jordan,  who,  in  April  last,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Chase,  said :  — 

Treasury  Department,  \ 

Solicitor's  Office,  April  19th,  1861.      j 
Sir  :    I  have  the  honor  herewith  to  transmit  a  report  made 
to  me  by  Col.  L.  C.  Baker,  together  with  a  number  of  affida- 
vits, affecting  the  conduct   and   character  of  S.  M.  Clark  and 
G.  A.  Henderson. 

In  accordance  with  your  instructions,  I  exhibited  these  affi 
davits  to  Mr.  Clark,  stating  to  him  that  I  did  so  by  your  direc' 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  123 

tion  and  in  drdcr  that  he  niight  liave  an  opportunity  to  make 
such  exphmation  or  reply  as  he  should  deem  proper. 

His  reply  to  me  was  that,  as  to  any  thing  alleged  against 
him  impeaching  his  conduct  or  character  as  an  officer  of  this 
department,  he  denied  it  utterly,  and  that  as  to  any  other  mat- 
ter, he  scorned  to  make  any  answer. 

I  have  further,  in  obedience  to  your  order,  called  before  me 
most  of  the  persons  whose  affidavits  are  herewith  transmitted, 
and  made  such  other  inquiries  as  it  has  been  in  my  power  to 
make  touching  the  matter  stated  in  the  affidavits,  and  the  result 
is,  an  ENTIRE  CONVICTION  that  the  most  material  of  those  state- 
ments i,  are -true  ;  partiGularly  those  contained  in  the  n^davits 
of  Ella  Jackson,  Jennie  Germon  and  Laura  Duvail. 

What  -action,  if  any,  ought  to  be  taken  in  view  of  these 
Jacts,  is,  of  course,  not  a  question  for  me  to  consider. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  high  respect, 

(Signed)      -  Edward  Jordan, 

SoliGitor  of  the  Treasury. 

Hon.  S.  P.  Chase,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

There  are  other  and  grave  reasons  for  rejoicing  that  Mr., 
Chase  is  out  of  the  Cabinet.  He  aljolitionized  that  Cabinet ; 
and  if  our  Government  should  be  overthrown  and  our  Union 
severed,  he,  as  the  chief  of  a  class  to  which  Sumner,  Greeley, 
Phillips,  etc.,  etc.,  belong,  will  be  responsible  for  the  calamity 
—  directly  responsible  —  for  they  have  perverted  the  war  which 
should  have  been  waged  against  rebellion,  into  a  war  for  aboli- 
tion, lacking  the  wisdom  to  perceive  that  the  whole  I^orth 
could  be  united  against  rebellion,  while  upon  then'  abolition 
programme,  the  people  are  divided.  In  other  words,  if  wiser 
men  had  ruled,  rebellion  would  have  divided  the  South  and 
united  the  North.  As  it  -  is,  the  South  is  intensely  united, 
wliile  the  l^orth  is  unhappily  divided. 

But  for  Mr.  Chase  and  his  followers,  the  rebellion  would 
have  had  narrower  limits,  embracing  only  the  gulf,  and  some 
of  the  Mississippi  States.  But  for  their  influence  two  Union 
men  from  border  States  would  have  been  in  the  Cabinet.  For 
saying,  in  December,  1860,  that  Tennessee,  ISTorth  Carolina, 
Western  Yirginia  and  N^orthern  Alabama,  were  full  of  Union 
men,  I  was  denounced  and  persecuted  by  all  the  ultra  aboli- 
tionists. But  under  every  discouragement —  amid  rapine  and 
murder  —  this  has  proved  to  be  true.  Mr.  Chase  would  not, 
however,  allow  these  States  to  remain  in  the  Union,  or  suffer 


124  Selections  fkom  the  IN^ewspapek 

them  to  return  to  it  as  States.  For  the  truth  of  my  assertion 
that  Mr.  Chase  would  not  alloAV  the  border  States  to  remain  in 
the  Union.  I  submit  the  following  letter :  — • 

Washington^  February  9,  1861. 

Dear  Sir  :  Tlianks  for  jour  note  and  explanation  of  that 
vote.  It  may  be  useful.  There  is  a  greater  disjxisition  to 
compromise  than  I  like  to  see.  But  I  hope  the  hest.  Half  a 
dozen  of  the  border  State  gentlemen  have  been  in  our  room 
to-night,  Etheridge-  and  Stokes,  of  Tennessee,  Adams  and  Bris- 
tow,  of  Kentucky,  Gilmer,  of  ISTorth  Carolina,  and  others.  / 
really  sympathize  lolih  them,  but  see  no  reason  why  we  should 
sacrifice  per  momently  a  Xwgo,  power  to  help  them,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  gaining  temporarily  a  little  one. 

Yours,  cordially, 

S.  P.  Chase. 

When  this  letter  was  written,  bold,  devoted  Union  men  in 
ITorth  Carolina  and  Tennessee  were  struggling  to  keep  their^ 
States  in  the  Union,  anxious  to  sustain  the  Grovernment  and 
to  stand  by  the  stars  and  stripes.  The  "  border  State  proposi- 
tion," adopted  by  Congress,  would  have  held  them.  Their 
members  of  Congress  went  personally  to  "  our  room,"  implor- 
ing aid.  Mr.  Chase's  "  sympathy  "  was  excited,  but  he  "  saw 
no  reason  "  for  "  sacrificing  "  abolitionism  for  the  Union  ! 

What  followed  is  historical.  We  have  been  involved  for 
nearly  four  years  in  an  abolition  war.  The  influence  that 
drove  l^ortli  Carolina  and  Tennessee  from  the  Union  extorted 
an  emancipation  proclamation,  practical  and  effective  only  in 
giving  union,  strength  and  determination  to  rebellion  —  a 
proclamation  to  which  the  first  slave  has  not  owed  his  freedom  ; 
for  it  is  only  operative  where  our  armies  go,  and  without  it 
the  armies  would  have  gone  faster  and  farther.  And  let  it  be 
remembered  that  all  the  while  these  abolition  demagogues  and 
fanatics  were  aiding  both  rebellion  and  slavery.  The  ISTorth, 
united,  and  free  of  the  incubus  of  abolitionism,  would  have 
crushed  rebellion,  and  with  it  the  cursed  institution  which 
struck  at  and  sought  to  divide  the  Union.  If  the  South  avert 
the  punishment  due  to  the  great  national  crime  of  rebellion, 
they  will  owe  their  escape  to  the  insanity  of  abolitionists.  It 
is  thus  that  antas^onisms  work  together. 


/     Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  125 

AikI  liere,  to  guard  against  those  who  lay  in  wait  to  pervert 
all  I  say,  let  me  exempt  Gerrit  Smith,  with  others  who  have 
nobly  giver^  themselves  to  the  duty  of  sustaining  the  Govern- 
ment, in  its  war  against  rebellion.  Had  the  same  degree  o± 
patriotism  and  sense  governed  Mr.  Chase,  leading  members  of 
Congress  and  influential  journals,  we  should  this  day  rejoice 
in  a  triumph  of  the  Government  over  the  vanquished  armies 
of  the  confederacy,  consigning  rebellion  and  slavery  to  a  com- 
mon grave. 

I  did  hot,  three  years  ago,  mistake  or  magnify  the  evil  of 
abolitioninfluences,  nor,  though  hercely  denounced,  did  I  shrink 
from  the  duty  of  warning  the  people.  What  then  was  only 
prophetic,  is  now  history.  Aljolition  influences  in  Congress, 
and  in  the  Cabinet,  have  doubled  the  millions  of  dollars,  and 
deepened  the  rivers  of  blood,  spent  and  shed,  in  a  war  which, 
so  long  as  such  influences  and  counsels  sway  the  Government, 
promises  nothing  but  an  interminable  conflict  or  an  inglorious 
termination.  T.  W. 


HOEACE  GREELEY  — A  CONGRESSIONAL  CANDI- 
DATE IN  18Y0. 


LETTER   TO    THOMAS    C.    ACTON.     ' 

New  York,  Ootoher  10,  1870. 
Dear  Sir  :  — ■  A  year  ago  you  made  an  earnest  appeal  for 
my  vote  in  favor  of  Mr.  Greeley  for  State  Comptroller.  Assum- 
ing that  I  had  strong  personal  reasons  for  refusing  to  vote  for 
Mr.  Greeley,  you  urged,  very  properly,  that  these  should  yield 
to  public  considerations.  I  readily  acquiesced  in  this  view  of 
the  question,  and  resolved  to  govern  my  action  in  accordance 
with  it.  I  calmly  examined  the  relative  qualifications  of  the 
two  candidates.  Mr.  Greeley  had  been  educated  a  printer,  and 
had  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  his  profession.  He  had, 
therefore,  no  knowledge  or  experience  in   the  duties  of  the 


126  Selections  fkom  the  I^ewspaper 

office  of  Comptroller.  'Nov  were  his  talents,  his  habits,  or  his 
tastes  adapted  to  financial  duties.  The  idea  that  the  editor  of 
a  leading  daily  journal  could  so  divide  his  time  between  New 
York  and  Albany  as  to  discharge  the  duties  of  Comptroller, 
in  addition  to  those  of  editor,  seemed  to  me  not  only  im- 
possible, but  preposterous.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say, 
what  is  so  generally  known,  that  the  office  of  Comptroller  is 
altogether  the  most  important,  laborious,  and  responsible  in  the 
State.  I  have  personally  known  its  incumbents  for  consider- 
ably more  than  half  a  century.  Among  them  were  Archibald 
Mclntyre,  John  Savage.  William  L.  Marcy,  Silas  Wright,  Jr., 
Azariah  C.  Flagg,  John  A.  Collier,  Millard  Fillmore,  Wash- 
ington Hunt,  Philo  C.  Fuller,  James  M.  Cook,  Thomas  Hill- 
house,  etc.,  etc.,  all  men  distinguished  for  ability  and  industry, 
not  one  of  whom  ever  attempted  to  attend  to  any  other  busi- 
ness, and  all  of  whom  found  constant  and  full  occupation, 
physical  and  mental,  in  the  discharge  of  their  public  duties. 
Without,  therefore,  recognizing  other  and  strong  reasons  for 
withholding  my  vote  for  Mr.  Greeley,  I  considered  those  Avhich 
I.  have  stated  quite  sufficient. 

In  his  opponent,  William  F.  Allen,  I  found  a  capable  and 
enlightened  man,  with  some  experience,  much  industry,  and 
peculiar  fitness  for  the  duties  of  that  office.  I  had  known 
him  first  as  an  able  and  nseful  member  of  onr  Legislature,  and 
next  as  an  eminently  upright  Judge.  My  only  difficulty  there 
fore,  in  deciding  to  vote  for  him  was  that  he  was  a  Demo- 
crat, and  a  nominee  of  the  Democratic  party.  But  this  objec- 
tion was  obviated  in  ]ny  mind  by  the  fact  —  a  fact  well  known 
to  both  political  parties  —  that  from  the  beginning  of  the  re- 
bellion in  1861,  to  the  end  of  the  war  in  1865,  Judge  Allen 
was  an  avowed,  earnest,  active  war  Democrat,  and  this  ren- 
dered it  easy  to  cast  my  vote,  as  I  did,  in  favor  of  William  F. 
Allen  for  Comptroller.  I  may  add,  that,  in  subsequently  vot- 
ing for  Mr.  Allen  for  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  my 
only  regret  was  that  at  a  time  of  almost  universal  official 
demoralization  the  State  would  lose  the  services  of  a  fearless 
and  incorruptible  Comptroller. 

Mr.  Greeley  now  turns  up  as  a  candidate  for  Congress  from 
the  district  in  which  I  reside.     You  again  urge  me  to  vote  for 


Aeticles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  127 

hiifi,  and  I  have  taken  the  subject  into  calm  and  serious  consid- 
eration. Lifting  my  thoughts  above  all  things  merely  personal, 
I  h^ve  endeavored  to  ascertain  whether  Mr.  Greeley,  upon 
public  grounds,  is  entitled  to  my  vote.  Having  reached  the 
conclusion  "that  I  cannot  vote  for  him,  I  will  give  you  my  rea- 
sons—  reasons  which  constitute,  in  niy  own  judgment,  a 
perfect  justification  —  reasons  which  ought  to  deprive  him  of 
the  yo''te  of  every  loyal  elector  in  the  district. 

Mr.  Greeley,  for  several  months  before  the  rebellipn,  while 
that  question  wiis  rife  in  the  Southern  States,  M-as  an  avowed, 
earnest,  and  persistent  secessionist.  As  the  editor  of  a  leading 
and  widely  circulating  Republican  journal,  he  exerted  an  influ- 
ence at  once  powerful  andnialign.  Indeed,  but  for  tliat  influ- 
ence it  would  have  been  difiicult,  if  not  impossible,  to  have 
withdrawn  ISTorth  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Georgia  from  the 
Union"'  To  show  you  that  I  do  not  state  this  point  too 
strongly,  let  me  refresh  your  memory  with  editorial  extracts 
from  the  Tribune : 

[From  the  Tribune,  November  9,  I860.] 

If  the  Cotton  States  shall  become  satisfied  they  can  do  bet- 
ter out  of  the  Union  than  in  it,  we  insist  on  letting  them  go 
in  peace.  The  right  to  secede  may  be  a  revolutionary  one,  but 
it  exists  nevertheless.  "When  any  considerable  section  of  our 
Union  shall  deliberately  resolve  to  go  out,  we  shall  resist  all 
coercive  measures  designed  to  keep  it  in.  We  hope  never  to 
live  in  a  Kepublic  where  one  section  is  pinned  to  the  other  by 
Imyonets. 

[From  the  Tribune,  November  26,  I860.] 

If  the  Cotton  States,  unitedly  and  earnestly,  wish  to  with- 
draw peacefully  from  the  Union,  we  think  they  should  and 
would  be  allowed  to  go.  Any  attempt  to  compel,  them  by 
force  to  remain  would  be  contrary  to  the  principles  enunciated 
in  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence,  contrary  to  the 
fundamental  ideas  on  which  human  liberty  is  based. 

[From  the  Tribune,  December  17,  I860.] 

If  it  (the  Declaration  of  Independence)  justified  the  secession 
from  the  British  Empi-i-e  of  three  millions  of  colonists  in  1YT6, 
we  do  not  see  why  it  would  not  justify  the  secession  of  five 
millions  of  Southrons  from  the  Union  in  1861. 

[From  the  Tribune,  February  23, 1861.] 

"  Whenever   it   shall  be  clear  that   the  great  body  of  the 


128  Seleotion"s  from  the  ISTewspaper 

Southern  people  have  become  concliisivelj  alieiiated  from  the 
Union,  and  anxious  to  escape  from  it,  we  will  do  our  best  to 
forward  their  views." 

Such  was  the  language  of  Mr.  Greeley,  and  such  the  teach- 
ings of  the  Tribune  during  the  autumn  and  Winter  of  1860- 
1861,  while  secession  and  rebellion  were  at  work  severing  the 
Union,  and  while  States  like  stars  were  dropping  out  of  their 
orbits.  A  governor  of  South  Carolina,  in  urging  that  State  to 
inaugurate  treason,  informed  his  hearers  that  the  New  Yorh 
Tribune  had  openly  declared  that  the  Southern  States  had  as 
clear  a  right  to  rebel  against  the  Federal  Grovernment  as  the 
thirteen  States  in  1776  had  to  rebel  against  the  Government  of 
George  the  Third,  adding,  that  "  in  this  emergency  our  worst 
enemies  have  become  our  best  friends."        "  ^ 

The  State  of  Georgia  held  out  long  and  mamfully  against 
the  traitors  in  its  Legislature,  who  advocated  the  ordinance  of 
secession,  but  linally  and  reluctantly  .broke  from  its  moorings 
when  Robert  J.  Toombs,  in  one  of  his  vehement  speeches,  pro- 
duced and  read  from  the  Neiv  York  Tribune  the  articles  from 
which  I  have  liow  made  brief  extracts.  You  will  see,  there- 
fore, that  Mr.  Greeley  invited  and  encouraged  the  Southern 
States  to  go  out  of  the  Union  ;  that  he  promised  them  aid  and 
comfort ;  and  that  he  denied  the  right  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment to  interfere.  Why,  then,  is  he  not,  up  to  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war,  as  obnoxious  a  secessionist  as  Jefferson  Davis 
or  Senators  Mason  and  Slidell  ?  Indeed,  if  there  be  any  dif- 
ference, Davis,  Mason,  and  Slidell  occupy  vantage  ground,  for 
Mr.  Greeley  has  not  the  excuse  of  being  a  Southern  man. 

When  the  war  commenced  Mr.  Greeley  arrogantly  assumed 
the  right  to  dictate  a  policy  for  the  administration,  and  to  com- 
mand the  army.  Long  before  the  President,  Secretary  of 
War,  or  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  deemed  it  pru- 
dent to  make  a  forward  movement,  Mr.  Greeley  issued  and 
reiterated  in  the  Tribune,  his  well-remembered  and  ominous 
order  of  "  On  to  Richmond."  And  such  was  its  power  over 
the  minds  of  an  impulsive  people  and  an  impatient  Congress, 
that,  wliolly  unprepared  as  we  were,  our  army  was  prematurely 
forced  into  a  disastrous  battle.  For  that  cruel  slaughter  of  our 
undisciplined  troops,  and  for  that  humiliation  to  our  Govern- 


Articles  of  Thfelow  Weed.  129 

ment  and  people,  Mr.  Greeley,  in  a  ^-eniorsefnl  moment,  con- 
fessed himself  "greatly  to  blame." 

Stibsecpiently,  during  the  darkest  days  of  the  rebellion,  and 
especially  when  our  armies  were  defeated,  or  at  ba,y,  the  Tri- 
hune  either  Howled  for  peace,  or  teemed  with  dennnciations 
against  the  President  or  the  army  connn-anders.  In  the  glooiny 
autnnin  of  1862,  Mr.  Greeley  headed  a  radical  raid  upon  the 
President  in  favor  of  an  abolition  Cabinet.  Wendell  Phillips, 
wliQ  was  brought  to  ISTew  York -to  further  that  movement, 
made  the  leading  speech.  After  expressing  his  helief  that 
"  Lincoln  himself  is  as  honest  as  a  man  born  in  Kentucky  can 
be,",  said  :  "But  I  have  no  confidence  in,  the  co\insels"  about 
hini.  I- have  no  confidence  in  the  views  of  your  son  of  l^ew 
York,  who  stands  at  his  rio-ht  hand  to  o'uide  the  vessel  of  State 
ill  this'  tremendous  storm."  In  the  same  speech  Mr.  Phillips 
said,  that  in  "December,  1860,  James  Buchanan  wrote  a  mes- 
sage to  Congress  which  he  submitted  to  W  illiain  II.  Seward, 
and  from  that  time  to  the  4tli  of  March,  1861,  no  fortnight 
passed  that  he  did  not  consult  your  ISTew  York  Senator  in 
regard  to  tlie  policy  of  the  Government.  If  the  historj'- of 
the  closing  months  is  written  over  with  treason,  I  say  that  the 
Secretary  of  State  (Seward)  has  his  sharis  of  the  responsibility." 

Mr.  Greeley,  who  knew  that  this  charge  of  treason  against 
Mr.  Seward  was  utterly  untrne,  made  himself  tacitly  responsi- 
ble for  the  calitmny  by  following  his  leader  with  a  brief  speech, 
so-cold  and  icy  as  to  dishearten  all  the  timid,  and  to  awaken  the 
indignation  of  all  the  earnest  friends  of  the  Union.  Mr. 
Greeley  came  forward  and  said  : 

^^  Fellow- Citizens  r — -When  this  struggle  commenced,  I 
think  I  was  not  as  gay  and  as  sanguine  as  some  of  you  were. 
I  did  not  believe  if  we  had  a  civil  war  at  all,  it  could  be  a  little 
war.  I  did  believe,  and  I  believe  now,  it  might  have  been  made 
a  little  war  by  striking  so  soon,  and'  striking  so  strongly,  that 
it  would  not  have  been  a  civil  war  at  all.  We  are  now  in  the" 
midst  of  this  war.  I  do  not  see  the  immediate  result  of  the 
war.  I  am  not  sanguine  that  under  the  leaders  we  have,  the 
management  we  have,  an  immediate  triumph  is  at  all  certain. 
We  may  have  that,  we  are  more  likely  not  to  have  that." 

Peturning  from  trooper  Institute,  where  Messrs.  Phillips 
and  Greeley  were  delivered:  of  speeches,  to  the  Trilmne  office, 

n 


130  Selections  from  the  JSTewspap^ie 

Mr.  Greeley  complacently  issues  the  following  conipreliensive 
edict : 

1.  Keorganize  the  Cabinet,  and  compose  it  of  seven  of  the 
ablest  and  most  loyal  men  in  tlie  whole  country  —  men  who 
thoroughly  believe  in  the  war,  and  who  do  not  believe  that 
loyal  Americans  ought  to  be  treated  as  chattels.  .  ■- 

2.  Dismiss  from  the  service  every  officer  who  persists  in 
cavilling  at,  and  exciting  hostilities  to  tlie  policy  of  the  Gov-: 
ernment. 

3.  Stop  the  coast  survey,  and  shut  up  the  West  Point 
Academy. 

4.  Call  out  the  uniformed  militia  of  tlie  loyal  States  for  three 
months,  and  employ  them  to  garrison  Washington,  Cincinnati, 
St.  Louis,  and  Louisville. 

"  Such  are  our  notions  of  the  war:  "We  cannot  doubt  that 
our  soldiers  will  speedily  put  down  the  rebellion',  if  our  generals 
will  but  let  them." 

During  the  progress  of  the  war  none  were  more  jubilant 
over  our  successes  than  Mr.  Greeley,  but,  when  reverses  came, 
his  croaking  voice  was  heard  in  shrill  and  discordant  demands 
for  peace.  At  a  time  when  a  series  of  discouraging  defeats 
had  occasioned  intense  solicitude,  when  Southern  traitors-  and 
IS^orthern  copperheads  were  rejoicing  in  the  prospect  of  the 
destruction  of  our  Government,  Mr.  Greeley,  in  a  double- 
leaded  editorial,  said : 

"  If  after  sixty  days  more  hard  fighting-  the  enemy  is 
not  beaten,  it  will  become  the  duty  of  the  government  to 
MAKE  PEACE  ON  THE  BEST  ATTAINABLE  TERMS." 

Thus  encouraged  and  stimulated  by  this  cowardly  demand 
for  peace  by  the  leading  Republican  journal,  the  enemy  prose- 
cuted the  war  with  renewed  confidence  and  vigor. 

Soon  after  this  gratuitous,  ill-timed,  and  insolent  demand  for 
peace,  Mr.  Greeley,  at  the  suggestion  of  a  muddle-headed 
adventurer  (Colorado  Jewett),  obtained  the  President's  consent 
that  he  might  make  a  peace  -  pilgrimage  to  Canada,  where 
George  IST.  Sanders  and  other  traitors  were  hatching  con- 
spiracies and  raids.  With  these  congenial  spirits  he  was  so 
much  pleased  that  he  reproached  Mr.  Lincoln  for  not  confiding . 
to  him  the  power  "  of  making  peace  upon  the  best  attainable 
terms."  And  with  Mr.  Greeley  were  the  conspirators  so  much 
charmed,  that  one  of  them  (C.  C.  Clay)  d.rew  up  a  call  for  a 


Aktioles  o^  Thuklow  Weed.  131 

public  meeting  in  the  city  of  Isew  York,  coniniencling  Mr. 
Greeley  for  his  patriotic  and  laudable  eiforts  to  negotiate  a 
peace.  That  call  was  sent  to  ISTew  York  by  G.  W.  McLean, 
but  fell  into  the  hands  of  Richard  Schell,  a  loyal  Democrat, 
"  whq  took  the  responsibility  "  of  suppressing  it. 
Jewett's  letter  to  Mr.  Greeley  ran  as  follows: 

"  Niagara  Falls,  \ 

July  5,  1861:.      I 

"  My  Dear  Mr.  Greeley  :  In  reply  to  your  note,  I  have 
to  advise,  having  just  left  Hon.  George  ]S[.  Sanders,  of  Ken- 
tucky, on  the  Canada  side,  I  am  authorized  to  state  to  yon,  for 
our  use  only  —  not  the  public  —  that  the  ambassadors  of  Davis 
&  Co. -are  now  in  Canada,  with  full  and  complete  powers  for 
a  peace.  And  Mr.  Sanders  requests  that  you  come  on  immedi- 
ately to  me  at  the  Cataract  House,  to  have  a  private  interview, 
or  if  you  will  send  tlie  President's  protection  for  him  and  two 
friends,  they  will  come  on  and  meet  you.  He  says  the  whole 
matter  can  be  consummated  by  me,  you,  them,  and  President 
Lincoln. 

"Yours, 

"  W.  C.  Jewett." 

With  no  other  or  better  reason  or  authority  than  this  letter 
Mr.  Greeley  immediately  assumed  the  language  and  authority 
of  a  diplomatist,  and  wrote  a  long,  suggestive^  pregnant  letter 
to  the  President,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract : 

"  JSTew  York, 

July  7,  1864. 

"  I  venture  to  enclose  to  you  a  letter  and  telegraphic  des- 
patch which  I  received  yesterdiir^'  from  our  irrepressible  friend, 
Colorado  Jewett,  at  l^iagara  Falls.  I  think  they  deserve  atten- 
tion, as  evidencing  the  anxiety  of  the  Confederates  eveiywhere 
for  peace,  and,  therefore,  I  venture  to  remind  you  that  our 
l)Ieeding,  bankrupt,  almost  dying,  country  which  longs  for 
peace,  shudders  at  the  prospect  of  fresh  conscriptions,  of  fur- 
ther wholesale  devastations,  and  of  new  rivers  of  human  blood  ; 
and  a  widespread  conviction  that  the  Government  and  its 
prominent  supporters  are  not  anxious  for  peace,  and  do  not 
improve  proffered  opportunities  to  achieve  it,  is  doing  great 
harm  now,  etc.,  etc.  (Pa^e  572,  Eaymond's  Life  of  Lincoln.) 
''  Do  not,  I  entreat  you,  fail  to  make  the  Southern  people  com- 
prehend that  you  and  all  of  us  are  anxious  for  peace,  and  pre- 
pared to  grant  liberal  terms. 


132  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

"  Mr.  President,  I  fear  that  yon  do  not  realize  liow  intently 
the  people  desire  any  peace  consistent  with  the  national  integ- 
rity ancl  honor,  and  how  joyfully  they  would  hail  its  achieve- 
ments and  bless  its  authors.  ^ 

"  Yours  truly, 

"  HOKACE  GiSEELEY. 

"  Hon.  A.  Lincoln,  President,  Washington,  D.  C." 

Accompanying  this  letter  was  Mr.  Greeley's  plan  of  adjust- 
ment, in  which  he  proposed  to  jjay  four  hundred  million  dol- 
lars, wdiich  sum  was  to  be  appropriated  lyro  riUa  among  the 
Slave  States,  and  placed  at  the  absolute  disposal  of  their  re- 
spective Legislatures.  In  a  subsequent  letter,  Mr.  Greeley  in- 
formed the  President  tliat  Cleilient  C.  Clay,  of  Alabama,  and 
Jacob  Thompson,  of  Mississippi,  were  the  Peace  Commission- 
ers referred  to.  Before  the  bubble  burst,  the  folloAving  letter 
was  received  from  Sanders  : 

Clifton  House,  ISTiag-ara  Falls,  C.  W., 
"  July  12,  186L 

"  Dear  Sir  :  I  am  authorized  to  say  that  the  Hon.  Clement 
C.  Clay,  of  Alabama,  Professor  Jas.  P.  Holcombe,  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  George  IST.  Sanders,  of  Dixie,  are  ready  and  willing 
to  go  at  once  to  Washington,  upon  complete  ancl  uncpialified 
protection  being  given  either  bj^  the  President  or  Secretary  of 
War.  Let  the  permission  include  the  three  names  and  one 
other. 

"  Very  respectfully, 

"■  George  N.  Sanders. 

"  Hon.  Horace  Greeley." 

To  Mr.  Greeley's  importunities  Mr.  Lincoln  finally  yielded, 
ancl  in  a  letter  to  him  said : 

"  If  you  can  find  any  person,  anywhere,  professing  -to  have 
any  proposition  of  Jefferson  Davis  in  writing  for  peace,  em- 
bracing the  restoration  of  the  Union  and  the  abandonment  of 
slavery,  say  to  him,  he  may  come  to  me  with  you,  ancl  tliat  he 
shall  have  safe  conduct  to  the  point  where  you  shall  have  met 
him  ;  the  same  if  there  be  two  or  more  persons." 

That,  however,  did  not  satisfy  Mr.  Greeley,  who  required 
something  more  definite,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  after  another  letter, 
in  which  he  said :  —  "I  not  .only  intend  a  sincere  effort  for 
peace,  but  I  intend  that  you  shall  be  a  personal  witness  that  it 


Articles  o^  Thuelow  Weed.  133 

is  made,"  sent  his  Secretary  to  ISTew  York,  witli  an  anthoritj 
to  gnarantee  the  safety  of  Mr.  Greeley's  Confederate  friends 
in  their  proposed  journey  to  Washington  and  back.  In  accord- 
ance with  that  authority,  Mr.  Greeley  departed  for  Canada, 
yvith  the  following  order  in  his  pocket : 

"The  Executive  Mansion,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States  directs  tliat  the  four 
persons  whose  names  follow,  i.  e.,  the  Hon.  Clement  C.  Clay, 
the  Son.~Jacob  Thompson,  Professor  James  B.  Holcombe,  and 
"  George  JST.  Sanders,  shall  liave  safe  conduct  to  the  city  of 
Washington,  in  company  with  the  Hon.  Horace  Greeley,  and 
shall  be  exempt  from  arrest  and  annoyance  of  any  kind  from 
any  officer  of  the  United  States  during  their  journey  to  the 
said  city  of  Washington.     "^ 

"  By  order  of  the  President, 
-  .  '^  John  Jay,  Major  and  A.  A.  G.  " 

On  his  arrival  in  Canada,  Mr.  Greeley  despatched  Colorado 
Jewett  with  a  letter  to  the  Confederates,  informing  them  that 
he  had  an  order  from  the  President  guaranteeing  their  pro- 
tection, and  inviting  them  to  accompany  him  to  Washington. 
Whereupon  the  mountain  proved  to  be  a  mole-hill. 

To'Mr.  Greeley's  letter  inclosing  the  President's  protection, 
Messrs.  Clay  and  Holcombe  replied,  expressing  their  "  regret 
that  the  safe  conduct  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
has  been  tendered  us  under  some  misapprehension  of  facts.  We 
are  not  accredited  to  him  from  Richmond  as  bearers  of  propo- 
sitions looking  to  the  establishment  of  peace  ;  but"^  we  feel 
authorized  to  declare  that,  if  the  circumstances  disclosed  in^ 
this  correspondence  were  communicated  to  Pichmond,  we 
would  be  at  once  inves^ted  .with  the  authority  to  which  your 
letter  refers.  We  respectfully  solicit,  through  •  your  interven- ' 
tion,  a  safe  conduct  to  Washington,  and  thence  by  any  route 
which  may  be  designated,  through  your  lines  to  Richmond. 
We  would  be  gratified  if  Mr.  George  Sanders  was  embraced 
in  this  privilege." 

Any  other  man  but  Mr.  Greeley,  on  finding  himself  thus 
duped  and  trifled  with,  would  have  thrown  up  his  diplomatic 
sponge.  But  Mr.  Greeley  would  "  not  give  it  up  so."  He 
accordingly  sent  a  telegram  to  the  President,  admitting  tliat  he 
did  not  find  the  gentlemen  referred  to  so  empowered  as  he 


ISi  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

was  previously  assured,  and  forwarding  their  request  for  the 
President's  safe  conduct,  to  Richmond.  s 

To  this  telegram  the  President  responded  as  follows : 

"  Executive  Mansion,  Washington, 
July  IS,  1864. 
"  To  wJiom  it  may  Concern : 

''  Any  proposition  which  embraces  the  restoration  of  peace, 
the  integrity  of  the  whole  Union,  and  the  abandonment  of 
slavery,  and  which  conies  by  and  with  an  authority  that  can 
control  the  armies  now  at  war  against  the  United  States,  will 
be  received  and  considered  by  the  ExecutivQ  Government  of 
the  United  States,  and  will  be  met  hy  liberal  terms  on  substan- 
tial and  collateral  points,  and  the  bearer  or  bearers  thereof  shall 
have  safe  conduct  both  ways. 

"  (Signed),  Abkaham  Lincoln." 

To  this  offer  of  the  President,  the  Confederate  agents  re- 
plied in  a  long  letter  to  Mr.  Greeley,  from  which  the  following 
is  an  extracit :  ■ 

"  If  there  is  any  citizen  of  the  Confederate  States  who  has 
clung  to  a  hope  that  peace  was  possible  with  this  administra- 
tion of  the  Federal  Government,  it  will  strip  from  their  eyes 
the  last  film  of  such  a  delusion  ;  or  if  there  be  any  whose 
hearts  have  grown  faint  under  the  suffering  and  agony  of  this 
bloody  struggle,  it  will  inspire  them  with  fresh  energy  to 
endure  and  bear  whatever  may  be  requisite  to  preserve  to 
themselves  and  children  all  that  gives  dignity  and  value  to  life, 
or  hope  or  consolation  to  death.  And  if  there  be  any  patriots 
or  christians  in  your  land  who  shrink  appalled  from  the  illimit- 
able vista  of  private  misery  and  public  calamity  which  stretches 
before  them,  we  i:)ray  that  in  their  bosoms  a  resolution  will  be 
quickened  to  recall  the  abused  authority  and  vindicate  the  out- 
raged civilization  of  their  country." 

And  here,  for  the  time  being,  ended  Mr.  Greeley's  miserable 
quixotic  negotiations  with  George  IST.  Sanders,  Jake  Thompson, 
etc.,  etc.,  for  peace.  Mr.  Greeley,  however,  left  Canada  with 
friendly  feelings  for  the  conspirators  whose  last  letter  to  him 
expressed  the  hope  that  our  people  would  "recall"  the 
"  authority  "  which  President  Lincoln  had  "  abused  ;  "  and  we 
,  have  George  IST.  Scmders'  authority  for  saying,  that  Mr.  Greeley 
expressed  his  regret  that  President  Lincoln's  conduct  had  not 
been  that  of  a  gentleman.     Sanders  is  not  a  witness  on  whose 


Articles  of,  Thuelow  Weed.  135 

veracity  I  sliould  rely  ;  but  it  is  well  known  that  Mr.  Greeley 
was  highly, exasperated  with  the  President. 

After  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  renominated  in  186-i  bj  the 
J^ational  Republican  Convention,  Mr.  Grreeley  led  a  movement 
in  favor  of  a  Radical  Convention  at  Cleveland,  Ohio,  for  the 
purpose  of  nominating  a  third  candidate.  He  wrote  private 
letters  to  leading  Republicans  in  Xew  England,  urging  them 
to  join  in  this  movement,  a  movement  which  could  have  no 
other  effect  than  to  surrender  the  Government  of  the  Union 
into  the  hands  of  its  enemies.  This  movement,  in  its  design 
and  purpose,  was  identical  with  that  which  brought  Brecken- 
ridge  into  the  canvass  of  1860.  The  disunionists  of  that  day 
nominated  Breckenridge  for  the  purpose  of  defeating  Douglas. 
The  radicals  of  1864  nominated  Fremont  for  the  purpose  of 
defeating  Lincoln.  Both  of  these  movements  were  treason- 
able. The  lirst,  because  it  contemplated  rebellion  —  and  the 
last,  because,  in  the  midst  of  war,  it  sought  the  overthrow  of 
a  loyal  administration,  and,  as  a  consequence,  the  triumph  of 
the  candidates  of  a  copperhead  organization.  When  the  war 
was  finally  over  ;  when  a  peace  had  been  achieved  —  not  by 
the  cowardly  croakings  of  the  Trihune,  nor  the  officious  or 
-ill-om6iied  negotiations  of  Messrs.  Greeley  and  Blair,  but  by 
the  gallantry  of  Grant,  Sherman,  Thomas,  Sheridan,  Farragut, 
Porter,  and  the  courage  and  iidelity  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
under  their  command  —  Mr,  Greeley,  faithful  to  his  promise 
to  those  whom  he  had  inveigled  into  secession,  rushed  to  Rich- 
mond for  the  purpose  of  releasing  Jefferson  Davis  from  impris- 
onment. Simultaneously  he  proclaimed  universal  amnesty  for 
rebels,  including  those  who  had  conspired  to  burn  j^ew  York, 
to  introduce  contagion  into  her  cities,  and  to  assassinate  our 
President.  He  also  wrote  to  Mr.  Breckenridge,  if  not  to  other 
exiled  h-aitors,  inviting  them  to  return  to  a  country  which  they 
4iad  deluged  in  blood,  and  to  enjoy  the  protection  of  a  Govern- 
ment which  they  had  endeavored  to  destroy. 

This  is  a  truthful  record  of  Mr.  Greeley's  sentiments,  sym- 
pathies, and  actions  on  the  questions  of  secession,  rebellion, 
and  war.  It  is  shown  clearly  that  he  exerted  a  powerful  in- 
fluence in  aid  of  secession ;  that  he  precipitated  the  disastrous 
battle  of  Bull  Run  ;  that  he  protracted  the  war,  and  encouraged 


136  Selections  from  the  ]^ewsp1per 

the  enemy  by  reiterated  and  cowardly  demands  for  peace  ;  that 
he  released  Jeff.  Davis  from  imprisonment  —  urged  miiversal 
amnesty,  so  that  Breckenridge,  Slidell,  Mason,  etc.,  etc.,  may 
be  restored  to  their  seats  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  — 
seats  which  they  abandoned  to  engage  in  a  treasonable  war 
against  the  Government  and  Union.  For  how  many  millions 
of  treasure  and  how  many  thousands  of  lives  Mr.  Greeley  is 
responsible,  I  will  not  undertake  to  say.  But  I  will  say  that, 
while  these  undeniable  facts  are  fresh  in  my  memory,  he  will 
not  receive  my  vote. 

And  now,  after  a  few  words  in  relation  to  Mr.  Greeley's  fit 
ness  for  leo-islative  duties,  I  will  brino;  this  lono;  letter  to  a 

o  "  DO 

close.  The  act  of  our  Legislature  anthorizing  the  call  of  a 
convention  to  amend  our  Constitution,  contai'tied  a  provision 
which  secured  the  election  of  thirty  delegates  by  a  practically 
unanimons  vote.  Its  object  was  to  secure  the  services  of  fif- 
teen of  the  ablest  and  most  experienced  men  in  either  of  the 
two  great  political  parties  of  our  State.  Mr.  Greeley  engi- 
neered the  Republican  State  Convention,  and,  although  urged 
to  place-  on  the  ticket  such  men  as  Francis  Granger,  Hamilton 
Fish,  George  W.  Patterson,  Alexander  S.  Johnson,  John  K. 
Porter,  Charles  P.  Kirkland,  Edward  Dodd,  John  A.  Ken- 
nedy, Pichard  P.  Marvin,  etc.,  several  of  whom  had  been 
enlightened  members  of  the  Third  Constitutional  Convention, 
he  refused  to  do  so,  preferring  as  colleagues,  for  the  most  part, 
a  very  different  class  of  men.  Mr.  Greeley  had  often  in  con- 
versation expressed  a  desire  to  be  a  delegate  in  such  a  conven- 
tion, believing,  as  he  said,  that  his  services  would  be  useful  to 
the  people.  In  that  convention  there  was  a  decided  majority  of 
Pepublicans.  Mr,  Greeley,  therefore,  found  himself  with  con- 
genial associations  and  surroundings,  but  the  first  few  days  dis- 
closed the  fact  that  Mr.  Greeley  was  out  of  his  element.  He 
thrust  impracticable'  propositions  prematurely  upon  the  conven- 
tion—  propositions  which  found  little  favor  with  men  who 
had  taken  their  seats  with  the  greatest  admiration  for,  and  the 
highest  confidence  in,  the  editor  of  the  Tribune.  Mr.  Greeley 
soon  lost  his  temper,  and  long  before  the  convention  brought 
its  abortive  labors  to  a  conclusion  he  gathered  up  his  effects 
and,  pronouncing  an  unclerical  benediction  upon  his  colleagues. 


Articles  of  Tiiurlow  Weed.  137 

lie  left  the  Capital.  The  result  was  that,  instead  of  framing  a 
wise  and  beneficent  Constitution,  so  much  needed  by  the 
changed  condition  and  circumstances  of  our  State  and  people, 
several  months  were  lost  in  discordant  views  and  profitless  de- 
bates, resulting  finally  in  the  production  of  an  instrument  that 
was;  rejected  by-  the  electors.  That  failure,  for  which  Mr. 
Greeley  is'so  largely  responsible,  added  nearly  half  a  million 
of  dollars  to  our  State  debt. 

If,  therefore,  I  have  shown  that  Mr.  Greeley's  secession  and 
war  records  are  disloyal  and  cowardly,  and  that  his  unfitness 
for  representative  duties  was  mischievously  apparent  in  our 
Constitutional  Convention,  you  will  not,  I  feel  assured,  com- 
plain of  my  second  refusal  to  vote  for  him.  M}'' congressional 
vote  will  be  given  to  James  W.  Booth,  who,  though  not  a  can- 
didate, is  a  Republican  of  unquestionable  loyaltj-  and  patriotism. 
Very  truly  yours, 

Thuklow  Weed. 

Hon.  Thomas  C.  Acton. 


HORACE  GREELEY'S  BIRTHDAY. 

A.  D.  1871. 


CELEBRATION     AT    MOONSHINE    SDMISHT,     OHIO, SENTIMENTS    AND 

SPEECHES STATESMANSHIP  AND  VIRTUE   EXTOLLED,   AND   CRIT- 
ICS^ PUT     DOWN LETTERS     FROM     HORACE      GREELEY,    ROBERT 

TOOINIBS  AND  JESSE  D.  BRIGHT  — ■  A  FESTIVE  OCCASIOiST. 

The  sixtieth  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  our  distinguished 
editorial  brother,  the  Hon.  Horace  Greeley,  was  recently  cele- 
brated by  the  citizens  of  Moonshine  Summit,  Ohio.  The  oc- 
casion was  alike  interesting  and  novel.  Birthday  anniversar- 
ies of  other  eminent  men,  such  as  Washington,  Franklin, 
Shakespeare,  etc.,  were  inaugurated  after  their  decease.  But 
the  impatient  admirers  of  Mr.  Greeley,  not  able  to  restrain 
themselves,  instituted  an  ante-mortuary  celebration,  and  now 
18 


138  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

that  the  ground  has  been  broken,  we  hope  to  witness  kindred 
demonstrations  in  that  and  other  States.  The  feast,  though 
abundant,  consisted  for  the  most  part,  of  Graham  bread,  mush 
and  milk,  beefsteak,  and  other  dishes  of  wliieh  Mr.  Greeley  is 
known  habitually  to  partake.  Several  of  the  guests  wore  drab 
overcoats,  while  others  were  observed  with  one  boot  over  their 
pantaloons  and  with  the  bow  of  their  neckties  under  the  left 
ear.  This  thoughtful  attention  to  the  proprieties  of  costume 
had  a  very  pleasing  effect  recalling,  as  it  did,  the  circumstance 
that  the  philosopher,  whose  birthday  was  being  celebrated,  is 
fastidious  in  all  matters  of  dress.  There  w^as,  of  course,  noth- 
ing to  intoxicate  upon  the  table,  though  it'  was  observed  dur- 
ing the  evening  that  some  of  the  quests  had  occasion  to  visit  a 
corner  grocery,  on  the  other' side  of  the  street.  ^ 

The  Hon.  Uri  Seeley,  who  presided,  made  an  eloquent  speech 
on  taking  the  chair,  in  which  he  portrayed  in  glowing  colors 
the  personal,  political,  social,  moral  and  religious  characteristics 
of  Mr.  Greeley.  He  dwelt  strongly  upon  the  bright  example 
which  Mr.  Greeley  set  before  the  youth  of  our  country,  in 
carefully  abstaining  from  the  use  of  profane  language.  He  had 
never,  said  Mr.  Seeley,  permitted  himself,  however  tempted 
or  provoked,  to  use  a  profane  word.  This  fact,  distinguishing 
Mr.  Greeley  from  so  many  prominent  men  who  in  moments  of 
excitement  had  been  known  to  blaspheme,  was  one  which 
endeared  him  to  his  countrymen.  Mr.  Seeley,  in  stating  the 
objects  of  the  meeting,  introduced  the  following  orighial,  and 
inimitable  lines : 

'Twas  February  third,  eighteen  hundred  and  eleven. 
By  the  grace  of  Him  who  rules  in  heaven, 
When  first  the  w^heel  of  time  was  whirled, 
With  Horace  Greeley  in  the  world. 

Mr.  Seele}^  then  announced  the  first  standing  toast. 

1.  Horaco  Greeley,  Editor  of  the  JVeiv  T^ork  Tribime  '  first 
in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 

Collins  Morse,  Esq.,  rose  and  remarked  that  before  this  toast 
was  drunk,  he  desired  to  say  that  while  he  was  under  the  im- 
pression that  he  had  somewhere  seen  or  heard  this  sentiment 
applied  to  some  other  person,  he  was  quite  sure  that  it  must 
have  been  invented  expressly  for  our  illustrious  friend,  and  that 


4        Aeticles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  139 

he  hoped  it  would  now  be  received  with  all  the  honors.     The 
company  then  gave  three  times  three,  with  a  tiger. 

2;  Horace  Greeiej  —  the  indomitable  champion  of  Maine 
and  Prohibitory  Liquor  Laws.  It  is  not  his  fault  that  Pro- 
hibitory Legislation  increases  the  number  of  temperate  and 
intemperate  drinkers ;  but  only  proves  that  those  who  have  read 
the  Tribune  for  thirty  years  belong  to  an  obstinate  and  perverse 
generation. 

3.  Horace  Greeley  —  the  early  and  zealous  coadjutor  of  a 
kindred  philanthropist,  Albert  Brisbane,  in  the  establishment 
of  Fourier  communities,  Brook  Farms  and  Free  Love  Asso- 
ciations, by  means  of  which  society  wtls  to  be  renovated,  re- 
lined  and  improved. 

4.  Horace  Greeley,  tlie  father  of  the  Homestead  Law,  a 
measure  which  protected  the  Government  against  an  evil  and  a 
danger  (foreshadowed  by  General  Jackson),  of  a  plethoric  and 
overflowing  National  Treasury. 

5.  Horace  Greeley,  the  able  advocate,  if  not  one  of  the  in- 
ventors of'  trades  unions,  labor  strikes,  eight  and  tendiour  sys- 
tems, and  other  enlightened  enterprises,  which  have  contributed 
^;o  the  prosperity  of  our  people  and  the  elevation  of  our  conn- 
try. 

Mr.  Dunn  Brown  rose,  and  said  that  he  was  second  to  no 
man  in  attachment  to  and  admiration  for  Florace  Greeley,  the 
philosopher,  guide  and  friend  whom  they  had  met  to  honor, 
but  that  he  was  constrained  to  say,  though  he  was  sure  with 
great  distrust,  that  he  sometimes  thought  Mr.  Greeley  was 
pushing  the  labor  question  a  little —  just  a  little  —  too  far.  It 
seemed' to  him,  though  he  admitted  that '  it  was  j^i'esumptuous 
in  a  rural  district  mechanic  to  question  the  wisdom  of  the  edi- 
tor of  the  Weio  York  Trihune,  yet  he  must  say  that,  in  his 
judgment,  leagues,  strikes,  eight-hour  systems,  etc.,  had  only 
served  to  give  mechanics  and  laborers  the  largest  amount  of 
money  for  doing  the  smallest  amount  of  work. 

This  observation  occasioned  inaudible  dissent,  and  the  term 
"  bosh  "  was  heard  at  the  lower  end  of  the  table. 

6.  Horace  Greeley,  the  General  who,  upon  the  outbreak  of 
the  Pebellion,  gallantly  and  peremptorily  ordered  the  Union 
army  to  move  "  On  to  Richmond." 


140  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

The  band  immediately  struck  np  "  Hail  to  'the  Chief,"  after 
which  Sergeant  Davis  arose  and  remarked  that  no  man  there 
or  elsewhere  held  Mr.  Greeley  in  higher  esteem  or  was  more 
ready  to  acknowledge  his  distinguished  services  than  himself, 
but  that  from  his  opportunities  and  experience  as  a  soldier, 
though  in  a  subordinate  position,  he  was  compelled  to  express 
his  opinion  that,  while  it  was  eminently  proper  to  remember 
General  Greeley  on  that  occasion,  it  seemed  to  him  not  im- 
proper to  associate  with  our  favorite  General  the  names  of 
Generals  Grant,  Sherman,  Thomas,  Hooker,  Meade,  etc.  Of 
the  propriety  of  this  suggestion,  however,  he  was  not  entirely 
certain,  and  he  would  not,  therefore,  pres^  it;  but  he  could 
not  resume  his  seat  without  saying  that  when  he  thought  of 
Bull  Run  (looking  at  the  empty  sleeve  which,  daitgled  from  his 
shoulder),  it  seemed  to  him  either  that  the  movement  was 
premature,  or  that  it  would  have  been  wise  to  have  taken  some 
other  road  not  quite  so  "  hard  to  travel."  These  remarks  elic- 
ited murmurs  of  assent  and  dissent. 

7.  Horace  Greeley,  the  consistent  and  persistent  friend  of 
Peace ;  who,  when  the  war  for  the  Union  "  assumed  proportions 
inconsistent "  with  his  ideas  of  liumanit3%  and  when  the  Union 
armies  were  getting  the  worst  of  it,  had  the  courage  to  demand 
in  the  Tribune,  Peace,  upon  the  "best  attainable  terms,  for 
our  bleeding,  dying,  bankrupt,  and  suffering  country." 

8.  Horace  Greeley,  the  distinguished  diplomatist,  who,  with 
patriotic  alacrity,  repaired  to  Canada  to  negotiate  a  lasting  and 
honorable  peace  between  the  Federal  and  Confederate  Govern- 
ments, with  the  Hon.  Jacob  Thompson  and  the  Hon.  George 
I*^.  Sanders.  The  chivalry  of  that  mo^^ement,  compared  with 
the  ungentle7nan-like  conduct  of  a  personage  who  for  obvi- 
ous reasons  must  be  nameless,  places  Mr.  Greeley  in  the  cate- 
gory of  first-class  diplomatic  philanthropists. 

9.  Horace  Greeley,  the  able,  fearless,  life-long  opponent  of 
slavery,  and  friend  of  the  African.  His  name,  like  those  of 
Tapj^an,  Garrison,  Gerrit  Smith,  etc.,  will  grow  brighter  and 
brighter  with  every  succeeding  generation. 

Judge  Palmer  rose  and  remarked  that  he  had  been  a  con- 
stant subscriber  and  diligent  reader  of  the  Tribune,  and  that 
he  shared  in  the  enthusiasm  which  was  expressed  for  its  dis- 
tinguished editor,  but  that  in  listening  to  the  toasts  just  read 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.-  141 

from  tile  Chair,  he  confessed  himself  somewhat  embarrassed. 
He  presumed,^  however,  that  the  fault  was  in  his  own  deficient 
judgment,  and  that  the  Chair  could  readily,  and,  as  he  hoped, 
would  willingly,  enlighten  him.  "I  have,"  said  Judge  P., 
^'  followed  the  Trihune  in  all  its  suggestions  and  teachings  in 
opposition  to  slavery.  I  opposed  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and 
I  did  my  duty  as  far  as  possible,, as  an  "underground  railroad" 
man.  My  sympathies  have  a  thousand  times  been  aroused 
by  the  sufferings  of  Southern  slaves,  as  depicted  by  Mr. 
Greeley  in  the  Trihmie  and  on  the  stump.  ]^ow,  my  embar- 
rassment, Mr.  Chairman,  is  this :  How  could  Mr.  Greeley,  as 
the  great  opponent  of  slavery  and  as  the  sympathetic  friend  of 
the  African,  exerting  a  powerful  influence  throughout  the 
country,  advocate  warmly,  as  he  did,  the  secession  of  the 
Southern  States  from  the  Union,  so  that  slavery  might  perpet- 
ually exist  under  the  Confederate  Government,  and  what,  if 
possible,  is  even  worse,  that  the  horrors  of  slavery  might  be 
aggravated  by  the  stealing  and  importation  of  unlimited  num- 
bers of  slaves  from  Africa." 

_^  This  apparently  fair  and  reasonable  cpiestion  occasioned  an 
immediate  tumult,  which  resulted  in  the  ejection  of  the  offen- 
der;'and  after  the  indignation  subsided,  the  Chair  proceeded  to 
announce  the  remaining  regular  toasts. 

10.  Horace  Greeley. — The  calm,  sagacious,  and  recognized 
leader  of  the  Republican  party  in  the  State  of  IN^ew  York. 
Since  an  old  and  obnoxious  rival  at  Albany  was  broken  down 
and  driven  into  retirement,  the  wise,  practical  and  astute  editor 
of  the  Trihune  has  had  it  "all  his  own  way."  Honor  and 
glory  t^  tlie  leader  who  from  year  to  year  marshals  the  Repub- 
lican hosts  of  'the  State  of  ]S'ew  York  to  victory. 

]\[r.  Paine  sprang  to  his  feet  and  said,  "  Ts  not  this  coming  it 
a  little  too  strong  ?  I  should  like  to  know  whether  the  election 
of  a  Democratic  Governor  and  a  Democratic  Legislature  can 
be  properly  claimed  as  Republican  victories  ?  " 

Before  the  speaker  had  concluded  the  first  sentence,  cries  of 
"  sit  down,"  "  dry  up,"  and  "  hustle  him  out,"  were  heard  from 
all  parts  of  the  room.  The  offender  immediately  apologized, 
adding  that  he  was  a  "  whole  hog "  Greeley  man,  and  was 
ready  to  go  the  toast,  or  any  thing  else,  "  blind." 


142  Selections  from  the  JN^ewspapee 

11.  Horace  Greeley.— Chairman  of  the  ''Ring''  general 
committee  of  the  city  of  I^ew  York.  An  equivocal  honor 
which  our  eminent  friend  accepted,  upon  his  often  avowed  and 
patriotic  principle  of  never  declining  an  office. 

Mr,  H.  C.  Beardslee  remarked  that  some  readers  of  the  Tri- 
bune who  remember  how  savagely  the  "Ring  "  Republicans  had 
been  assailed,  might,  without  explanation,  wonder  how  Mr. 
Greeley  consented  to  become  the  representative  of  men  who, 
as  he  alleged,  were  receiving  the  money  of  the  ^'Ring"  and 
doing  the  ''Ring's"  work.  He  did  not  feel  at  liberty,  however, 
to  reveal  what  had  been  confided  to  him  a  few  days  since  in 
the  city  of  New  York,  by  "  Dan  Conover,"  "  Charley  Hall," 
and  "Dad  Bleakley,"  influential,  members  of -^ the  committee, 
but  he  could  assure  the  friends  and  admirers  of  Mr.  Greeley 
that  it  was  all  right,  and  that  a  political  coup  W  Hat  ^G,<i<mdL 
only  in  its  magnitude  and  brilliancy  to  that  sprung  upon 
France  by  its  once  magnificent  but  aow  ingloriously  fallen 
Emperor,  was  in  contemplation.  Perhaps  I  may  be  permitted 
to  add,  in  a  whisper,  that  Mr.  Greeley's  views  and  purposes 
harmonize  with  those  of  that  eminently  wise  and  practical 
statesman  Senator  Sumner,  and  that  somebody  had  better 
"  stand  from  under." 

12.  Horace  Greeley. — Although  the  strongest  and  most 
uncompromising  opponent  of  capital  punishment,  who  shrinks 
and  shudders  from  the  idea  of  hanging  the  worst  criminals,  yet 
who  had  the  courage  and  magnanimity  to  make  an  exception 
in  favor  of  McFarland,  devoting  his  time,  his  money,  and  the 
influence  of  the  Tribune^  in  favor  of  hanging  one  who  shot  a 
man  for  stealing  his  wife. 

13.  Horace  Greeley. — The  early,  earnest,  and  efficient  friend 
of  the  rights  of  women,  who,  when  he  ascertained  that  the 
objects  of  Mrs.  Cady  Stanton  in  demanding  female  suffrage 
was  to  obtain  a  seat  in  Congress,  promptly  threw  up  the 
sponge. 

VOLUNTEER  TOASTS. 

By  Mr.  H.  C.  Grey : 

Horace  Greeley. — The  ablest  and  wisest  partner  in  the  for- 
mer political  firm  of  Seward,  Weed  and  Greeley,  who  on  dis- 
covering that  his  associates  systematically  deprived  the  State 
of  his  services  as  Postmaster,  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  Gov- 
ernor, promptly  dissolved  the  copartnership,  boldly  entering 
the  field  on  his  own  hook  and  has  since  enjoyed  the  luxury  of 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  '  143 

being  a  candidate  for  several  distinguished  offices,  and  of  being 
actiiallj  elected  to  one,  for  which  he  ran  alone,  there  being  no 
opposiiig  candidate. 

By  Mr.  C.  C.  Jennings  : 

Horace  Greeley. — Distinguished  above  most  men  for  his 
benevolence — his  heart  and  hand  were  forever  as  open  as  day 
to  the  melting  appeals  of  charity.  The  crowning  act  of  his 
sympathetic  nature  consist  in  urging  Abe  Lincoln,  by  letter,  to 
break  the  fall,  soothe  the  anguish  and  lighten  the  losses  of 
Kebeldom  by  a  bonus  of  $400,000,000  to  slaveholders. 

By  Robert  Murray  : 

Charles  A.  Dana. — Editor  of  the  New  York  Sun,  long  man- 
aging editor  of  the  Trlhune  and  coniidential  friend  of  Mr. 
Greeley,  who  now,  though  in  some  sense  a  rival,  avails  himsehf 
with  unimpeachable  sincei'ity,  on  every  suitable  occasion  to 
recognize  by  exalted  enconiums  the  distinguished  services  and 
still  more  distinguished  virtues  of  the  "  wise,  great  and  good 
man  "  whose  birthday  we  are  celebrating. 

"  How  pleasant  'tis  to  see 
Brothers  in  unity  agree." 

By  Professor  Harvey  : 

Horace  Greeley. — As  a  member  of  Congress,  like  Chatham, 
Burke,  O'Connell,  Clay,  Calhoun,  Benton,  Webster  and  others, 
seized  upon  and  devoted  himself  to  a  single  great  measure  of 
reform,  viz. :  To  stop  the  nefarious  and  alarming  practice  of 
voting  apenknife  to  each  representative.  To  this  grave  mis- 
sion and  solemn  duty,  our  distinguished  friend  went  to  work 
"like  a  dog  at  a  root."  If  he  did  not  fully  succeed  in  arrest- 
ing this  species  of  congressional  robbery,  he  certainly  did  all 
that  could  have  been  accomplished  in  a  short  term,  so  that  if 
by  various  false  pretenses  the  electors  of  his  district  had  not 
been  beguiled  into  an  ungrateful  disruption  of  the  relation  of 
constituents  and  representative,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  he  would  have  squelched  the  practice,  still  unblushingly 
adhered  to,  of  annually  voting  ourself  a  pen-knife. 

By  Alex.  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia.     (Received  by  telegraph) : 

Horace  Greeley. — The  enlightened  and  fearless  JSTorthern 
editor  who  rising  above  party  prejudice  and  section  in  1860, 
and  boldly  asserting  the  right  of  "  four  or  five  cotton  States  " 
to  go  out  of  the  Union,  when  they  had  deliberately  made  up 
their  minds  and  avowed  their  intention  of  doing  so,  enabled 
me  to  perfect  and  complete  my  argument  in  favor  of  the  right 
of  secession. 


144  Selections  from  the  I^ewspapee 

Elder  J.  B.  Burrows  rose  to  inquire  wlietliei'  sucli  sentiments 
were  adapted  to  tlie  occasion,  adding  that  they  sounded 
strangely  in  the  ears  of  citizens  of  the  Western  Reserve,  and 
that'A^,  as  a  Republican  subscriber  of  the  Tribune  with  the 
photograph  of  its  illustrious  editor  as  his  vacl^^  ineoimi,  and  as 
a  ruling  elder  in  the  First  Baptist  Church  of  Moonshine  Sum- 
mit, unhesitatingly  i-epudiated  them. 

The  presiding  officer  apologized  promptly  and  handsomely, 
saying  that  he  had  been  taken  by  surprise  on  the  receipt  of  the 
telegram,  and  that  as  "  milk  "  instead  of  "  strong  meat  "  was 
the  proper  food  for  juvenile  politicians,  he  would  read  the  next 
telegram  privately  before  announcing  it  to  the  company.  This 
restored  harmony,  and  the  Chairman  proceeded  to  read  letters 
from  a  large  number  of  distinguished  men,  regretting  their  in- 
ability to  participate  in  a  celebration  which  excited  mingled 
emotions  of  admiration  and  gratitude  —  admiration  for  the 
straightforward,  consistent,  patriotic,  and  far-reaching  course 
and  policy  of  Mr.  Greeley,  and  gratitude  for  the  eminent  ser- 
vices he  has  rendered  to  the  people  of  the  country.  We  have 
not  time  to  copy  nor  space  to  print  these  elaborate  and  de- 
served tributes  to  one,  of  whom  it  can  be  said  as  of  another 
eminent  personage,  that  "  we  could  better  spare  a  better  man." 

Here,  a  quiet  man  at  the  lower  end  of  the  table,  whose  name 
I  did  not  catch,  and  who  seemed  a  looker-on  i-ather  than  an 
actor  in  the  scene,  rose  and  asked  permission  to  free  his  niiud. 
"  I  have  been  an  attentive  and  greatly  interested  listener  to  all 
that  has  passed.  Until  1865,  when  I  removed  to  Moonshine 
Summit,  I  resided  in  Western  New  York  and  took  an  active 
part  in  politicks.  I  acted  with  the  Onondaga  Canal  King  and 
other  patriotic  radicals,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Tribune,  to 
put  down  the  "  Corrupt  Lobbyist  "  who  had  enjoyed,  in  a  re- 
markable degree,  and  most  undeservedly,  the  confidence  of  the 
Adams,  Clintonian,  Whig,  and  Republican  parties  for  more 
than  forty  years.  I  did  so,  partly  because  the  "  old  man  "  was 
hostile  to  Canal  Commissioners,  Canal  Appraisers,  and  Sena- 
tors whom  he  malignantly  charged  with  official  misconduct, 
but  mainly  because  I  believed  that  our  distinguished  patron, 
Mr.  Greeley,  was  better  fitted  for  and  more  worthy  of  the 
leadership  of  the  Republican  party  of  the  Empire  State. 
We   were  told    by    Mr.    Greeley,    Governor   Fenton,    Judge 


^        Articles  of  Thurlow  AVeed.  145 

Harris,  Speaker  Callicott,  Senator  Mattoon,  etc.,  etc.,  that  when 
the  Eepublican  jonrnals  of  the  Knral  Districts  could  be  alien- 
ated from  the  Evening  Journal,  the  "  old  man  would  subside, 
and  that  then  with  union,  harmony,  strength  and  victories  in 
the  Eepublican  party,  we  should  have  a  good  time  all  around. 
When  I  left  I^ew  York  the  Republican  party  boasted  a  com- 
pact, organized,  disciplined,  reliable  majority  of  50,000.  Since 
I  came  to  Moonshine  Summit,  absorbed  in  business,  I  have 
given,  very  little  attention  to  politics  ;  indeed  I  wake  up  to- 
night in  pretty  much  the  "  muddled  "  condition  that  Rip  Van 
Winkle  found  himself  at  the  end  of  a  twenty  years'  snooze. 
You  cannot,  Mr.  Chairman,  judge  of  my  astonishment,  in  hear- 
ing from  the  lips  of  a  mutual  admirer  of  Mr.  Grreeley,  that  the 
proud  ISTew  York  majority  of  50,000  just  referred  to,  has  been 
wiped  out,  and  that  the  copperheads  of  my  native  State  rejoice 
in  the  election  of  Democratic  State  officers,  a  Democratic  Grov- 
ernor,  and  a  Democratic  Legislature.  Now  this  is  what  I  can- 
not understand,,  and  what  I  am  resolutely  determined  not  to 
believe.  '  I  want  you,  Mr,  Chairman,  to  contradict  it,  and  to  say 
that  it  is  all  a  dream,  so  that  when  I  rub  open  my  eyes,  and  come 
to  my  waking  senses,  I  shall  find  New  York  as  I  left  her,  in 
the  hands  of  the  Republican  party.  Do  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  I 
beseech  you,  pain  my  ears,  wound  my  spirit  and  mortify  my 
pride,  by  allowing  it  to  be  again  said,  that  under  the  political 
auspices  of  the  Neio  Yorh  Tribune  and  the  wise,  clear-headed, 
sagacious  management  of  its  experienced  and  accomplished 
editor,  the  recent  triumphant  Republican  majority  has  dwindled 
into  an  ignominious  minority. 

Mr.  Ploughman  said  that  after  listening  attentively  to  the 
regular  and  volunteer  toasts,  he  rose  to  express  his  surprise  and 
regret  that  no  sentiment  had  yet  been  offered  recognizing  the 
services  of  Mr.  Greeley  in  a  department  of  industry,  of  all 
others,  the  most  important  and  honorable.  We  have  paid  ap- 
propriate tributes  to  Mr.  Greeley  as  a  social  reformer,  as  a  phil- 
anthropist, as  a  teetotaler,  as  an  example  to  youth  against  the 
use  of  profane  language,  etc.  But  no  one,  so  far,  has  remem- 
bei'ed  him  as  a  farmer.  It  is  on  his  farm,  in  a  tow-frock,  with 
axe  or  scythe  or  hoe  in  hand,  that  Mr.  Greeley  is  truly  great ; 
and  it  is  through  his  character  as  a  farmer  that  his  benevolence 
has  been  in  a  signal  manner  illustrated :  "  What  I  Know 
19 


146  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

About  Farming"  cost  Mr.  Greeley,  it  is  said,  $70,000,  and  yet 
with  a  liberality  of  wliich  he  alone  is  capable,  that  knowledge 
has  been  imparted  to  us  together  with  his  photograph,  through 
the  Weekly  Tribune  for  $1.00  each  !  Precisely  how  much 
what  he  "  knows  about  farming "  has  been  practically  worth 
to  him,  or  will  be  worth  to  ns,  remains  to  be  seen.  With 
your  permission,  however,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  offer  the  following 
sentiment : 

Horace  Greeley. — The  American  Farmer —  greater  than  Cin- 
cinnatus,  the  illustrious  Roman,  who  only  followed  the  plough 
on  retiring  from  j^nblic  life,  the  Aonerican  Cincinnatus  di- 
vides his  time  between  editorial,  lecturing",  political,  reforma- 
tory, executive  and  agricultural  pursuits,  eminent  alike  in 
all,  but  pre-eminently  so  as  a  Tiller  of  the  Soil. 

This  sentiment  was  received  w^ith  prodigious  enthusiasm. 
The  company  rose  spontaneously  and  gave  nine  hearty  cheers, 
and  one  excited  admirer  refused  to  resume  his  seat  until  the 
Chairman  despatched  a  messenger,  who  soon  returned  with 
a  "  gallon  bottle  "  of  hard  cider.  Some  faint  objections  were 
at  first  raised  to  the  introduction  of  this  beverage,  but  when 
the  Cliairman  said  that  Mr.  Greeley  himself,  in  the  "  Tippe- 
canoe and  Tyler  too"  Campaign  of  1840  was  a  moderate  hard- 
cider  drinker,  the  glasses  were  tilled  with  the  juice  of  the 
apple. 

i'our  reporter  took  occasion  while  "  Covert "  (an  old  cam- 
paign vocalist)  was  singing  ^  Matty's  Lament,"  "  Tippecanoe 
and  Tyler  too,"  and  other  popular  airs,  to  run  through  the 
letters  of  "  Regret,"  the  reading  of  which  had  been  dispensed 
with,  and  among  which  were  letters  from  Mr.  Yallandigham, 
Jefferson  Davis,  Robert  Toombs  and  Jesse  D.  Bright.  Mr. 
Vallancliffham,  after  a  few  sentences  commendino-  the  idea  of 
paying  honors  to  distinguished  men  during  their  life-time, 
said  that,  although  differing  widely  from  Mr.  Greeley  on  many 
questions,  he  cheerfully  awarded  to  him  the  merit  of  being  during 
the  trying  year  1860,  a  bold  and  outspoken  advocate  of  the 
right  of  secession.  "  I  inclosed,"  said  Mr.  Y.,  "  my  speech  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  vindicating  the  ordinance  of  seces- 
sion, to  Mr.  Greeley,  and  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  a 
letter     from     that    eminent    statesman    and     philanthropist, 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  14T 

informing  me  that  my  views  accorded  witli  his  own.  Mr. 
Greeley,  like  many  of  oiTr  other  Northern  friends,  was  com- 
pelled when  the  war  broke  out  to  take  gronnd  against  the 
South,  but .  lie  availed  himself  of  every  opportunity  to  raise 
his  voice  for  peace,  and  when  the  war  was  over,  he  invited 
our  persecuted  friends  sojourning  in  Europe  to  return  home, 
demanding  the  release  of  Jefferson  Davis  from  imprisonment 
and  attaching  his  own  honored  name  to  the  bail-bond. 
The  following  letters  were  read  during  the  evening : 

•LETTER    FROM    HORACE    GREELEY. 

ISTew  York  Tribune  Office,  N.  Y.,  Feh.  1, . 


Dear  Sir  :  Your  note  of  the  30th  ult.  is  just  at  hand.  I  am 
not  aljle  to  attend  your  celeljration  for  several  reasons,  one  of 
them  being  an  engagement  to  lecture  on  that  evening  at  New 
Roclielle.  I  have  a  dread  of  all  honors  paid  to  those  who  have 
not  yet  passed  bej'ond  the  possibility  of  discrediting  them.  I 
admire  the  px)licy  of  the  Roman  church  in  never  canonizing 
any  person  wlio  has  not  been  dead  at  least  fifty  years.  It  helps 
to  keep  the  calendar  of  tlie  saints  within  reasonable  limits.  I 
wish  my  friends  would  let  me  go  my  way  to  the  house 
appointed  for  all  living,  and  then  say  any  good  of  me  if  they 
could.  But,  regarding  your  meeting  as  a  personal  tribute,  I 
venture  to  propose  this  sentiment :  The  Reforms  of  the  Future, 
and  the  Men  who  sliall  impel  them. 

Yours, 

Horace  Greeley. 

letter  from  robert  toombs. 

AuGL'STA,  Georgia,  January  25. 

Gkntlemen  :  I  have  received  your  letter  inviting  me  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  celelu-ation  of  the  sixtieth  birthday  of  the  Eton. 
Horace  Greeley,  and  but  for  a  pledge  that  I  am  under,  not  to 
cross  Mason  &  Dixon's  line  until  I  can  "•  call  the  roll  of  my 
slaves "  at  the  base  of  Bunker  Hill  Monument,  I  should  be 
with  you  on  an  occasion  which  awakens  some  pleasant  and 
many  bitter  memories.  Georgia,  you  will  remember,  went 
cpiite  reluctantly  out  of  the  Union.  I  was  enabled  to  rush  the 
Ordinance  of  Secession  through  our  Legislature  by  reading  in 
the  House  the  editorials  of  the  New  YorTt  Tribune^  upholding 
the  right  of  the  Southern  States  to  set  u]3  a  government  for 
themselves,  and  denying  the  right  of  the  Federal  government 
to  keep  us  in  the  Union  by  "  coercion."  For  this  timely  serv- 
ice I  then  cherished  a  warm  feeling  of  gratitude  toward  Mr. 


148  Selections  from  the  Newspa'pek 

Greeley,  but  a  "  cliange  lias  come  over  the  spirit  of  mj  dream." 
All  things  considered,  taking  Georgia  out  of  the  Union  was  the 
worst  daj^'s  work  I  ever  did.  Instead  of  our  slave  roll-call, 
things  have  turned  end  for  end,  and  now  slaves  call  the  roll  of 
their  former  masters.  The  negro  has  been  elevated  not  only 
to  a  personal  ecpiality,  but  has  actually  become  the  representa- 
tive of  white  men.  I  do  not,  however,  refer  to  tliis  painful 
and  mortifying  reverse  in  the  fortunes  of  the  South,  by  way  of 
reproof  or  complaint.  Mr.  Greeley,  in  advocating  the  right  of 
secession,  "  meant  well,"  though  it  was  "  a  great  mistake,"  and 
while  I  cannot  forget  that  I  was  cruelly  misled,  I  can  lay  my 
hand  upon  my  heart  and  cheei-fully  say  that  I  forgive  him. 

Yery  truly  youj:s,   . 

i^OBERT    ToOMBS. 

LETTER    FROM   JESSE    D.    BRIGHT. 

Gentlemen  —  I  very  much  regret  that  a  previous  engage- 
ment will  deprive  me  of  the  pleasure  of  uniting  with  you  iji 
the  celebration  of  Mr.  Greeley's  sixtieth  birthday. 

The  quality  above  all  others  for  which  I  honor  Mr.  Greeley, 
is  his  political  courage.  The  events  of  1860  tried  men's  souls. 
"  None  but  the  brave "  iii  Free  States  dared  to  stand  by  the 
South.  Prominent  among  that  Spartan  Band  were  Mr.  Yal- 
landigham,  of  Ohio ;  Horace  Greeley  and  Fernando  Wood  of 
'New  York  ;  William  B.  Reed  of  Pennsylvania,  and  myself. 
But  it  is  not  so  much  for  what  Mr.  Greeley  has  done  for  seces- 
sion as  for  what  he  is  doing  for  its  victims,  tliat  I  honor  and 
love  him.  His  bold,  defiant  and  reiterated  demands  for  uni- 
versal amnesty,  entitle  him  to  the  gratitude  and  affection  of  all 
who  have  suffered  by  the  unfortunate  failure  of  the  laudable 
attempt  to  divide  the  Union.  When  Mr.  Greeley  succeeds  in 
his  noble  effort  for  universal  amnesty,  and  his  not  less  noble 
effort  to  expunge  "  iron-clad  oaths,"  and  not  until  then,  can 
those  chivalrous  and  self-sacrificing  statesmen,  Jefferson  Davis, 
Slidell,  Mason,  Toombs,  Benjamin,  including  myself,  hope  to 
be  restored  to  our  seats  in  the  Senate  of  the  Untied  States. 

Truly  yours, 

Jesse  D.  Bright. 

The  Yolunteer  Toasts  and  Speech-making  ran  into  the  small 
hours  of  the  night.  It  was  truly  a  "  feast  of  reason  and  a 
flow  of  soul,"  and  was  concluded  by  joining  hands  and  singing 

"  Should  Auld  Acquaintance  be  Forgot." 
Although,  as  previously  stated,  all  alcoholic  liquids  were  ex- 
cluded, after  the  guests  had  separated,  voices  were  heard  in  the 
street  singing,  somewhat  incoherently : 

"  We  won't  go  home  till  morning." 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  149 

DIPLOMATIC  INCIDENTS. 

A.  D.  1872. 

[From  the  Galaxy  Magazine.] 


A    CHAPTER    FROM    THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHY    OF    MR.  THURLOW    WEED. 

Some  six  weeks  or  two  months  before  tlie  death  of  President 
Taylor,  Governor  Fish  informed  me  that  tlie  Hon.  Daniel  D. 
Barnard  desired  a  foreign  mission ;  that  an  application,  accom- 
panied with  letters  from  several  distingnished  statesmen,  had 
been  some  time  pending ;  that  Mr.  Barnard,  who,  as  I  knew, 
was  in  a  delicate  state  of  health,  had  become  morbidly  impatient 
to  go. abroad.  Govei'nor  Fish  was  aware  that  my  relations  with 
Mr.  Barnard  were  not  then  friendly,  although  both  at  Roches- 
ter in  1825,  and  at  Albany  twenty  years  afterward,  I  had  been 
very  intimate  with  Mr.  Barnard,  ^vllo  was  a  gentleman  of  ability, 
cultivation,  and  integrity,  with  peculiarities  which  I  have  had 
occasion  to  speak  of  in  a  former  chapter.  The  relations  between 
Governor  Fish  and  Mr.  Barnard,  political,  personal,  and  social, 
were  very  close.  They  were  near  neighbors  and  much  together. 
Mr.  Barnard's  nervous  importunities  for  a  mission  finally 
induced  the  Governor  to  ask  me,  first  as  an  act  of  justice  to  a 
zealous  friend  of  the  Administration,  and  next  as  a  favor  to 
himself,  to  go  to  A^ashington  and  obtain  the  desired  appoint- 
ment. I  readily'  consented,  and  started  immediately  for 
Washington. 

After  assuring  the  President  of  Mr.  Barnard's  high  personal 
character,  his  eminent  ability,  and  his  fitness  for  the  di2:)lomatic 
service,  I  informed  him  that  the  appointment  would  be  par- 
ticularly gratifying  to  Governor  Fish.  He  replied  that  Gov- 
ernor Fish's  friend  should  be  gratified,  and  authorized  me  to 
call  on  Mr.  Clayton,  Secretary  of  State,  and  ascertain  what 
missions  were  available.  I  called  upon  Mr.  Clayton  as  was 
my  habit,  in  the  evening,  at  his  lodgings,  where  I  usually  met 
Mr.  Fisher  —  now  Judge  Fisher^  of  the  United  States  District 
Court  of  Columbia,  then  Mr.  Clayton's  private  secretary  —  and 
where,  with  agreeable  conversation  and  excellent  old  bourbon, 
I  passed  many  delightful  hours.    Mr.  Clayton,  who  had  served 


150  SELEOTIOISrS    FROM   THE    l^EWSPAPEE 

ill  Congress  witli  Mr.  Barnard  and  knew  liim  well,  indicated 
Austria  or  Naples  as  courts  likely  to  suit  his  tastes,  adding  that 
either,  if  the  President  approved,  was  open  for'  him. 

In  the  morning  I  reported  to  General  Taylor,  who  said : 
"  Yery  well;  let  Mr.  Barnard  take  which  he  pleases,  though 
it  would  please  me  better  to  give  the  mission  to  you.  You 
have  been  working  liard  for  your  friends  a  good  many  years, 
and  are  entitled  to  repose."  I  thanked  him  gratefully  for  his 
kindness,  and  took  my  leave,  much  gratified  with  what  I 
regarded  as,  an  auspicious  result  of  my  jouriiey.. 

Arriving  in  Albany  early  in  the  evening,  I  called  upon 
Governor  Fish  at  his  house,  to  announce  the  result  of  my  visit 
to  Washington.  He  also  was  manifestly  gratified  and  j,"elieved  ; 
and  while  talking  to  him  about  the  President,  for  whom  he 
entertained  a  warm  friendship,  Mrs.  Fish  put  on  her  hat  and 
shawl  and  hastened  to  inform  the  Barnarcls  of  the  good  news; 
news  which  proved,  however,  any  thing  but  good  or  satisfactory 
to  Mr.  Barnard,  wlio  instantly  rejected  both'  places,  nothing 
but  a  first-class  mission  being  worthy  of  his  acceptance.  Aus- 
tria and  Naples  were  not  then  in  this  category.  When  I 
reported  Mr.  Barnard's  refusal  to  General  Taylor,  he  again 
renewed  his  oifer  to  me,  kindly  urging  its  acceptance ;  and 
although  the  temptation  was  very  great,  and  Italy  above ,  all 
other  countries,  one  I  desired  to  visit,  yet  I  adhered  to  my 
determination  of  declining  all  oflices. 

Mr.  Barnard,  though  disappointed  for  the  moment,  was 
soon  gratified  in  the  object  of  his  ambition.  Providence 
bereaved  the  country  of  its  President.  One  of  the  earliest 
diplomatic  appointments  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  who,  as  Yice- 
President,  became  General  Taylor's  successor,  was  that  of  the 
Hon.  Mr.  Barnard  as  Minister  to  Prussia ;  and  strangely 
enough,  a  few  months  afterward,  the  mission  to  Austria  was 
offered  for  a  second  time,  by  another  President,  to  myself. 
And  as  this  statement,  unexplained,  will  occasion  surprise,  if 
not  incredulity,  I  will  proceed  to  show  how  and  why  Presi- 
dent Fillmore  tendered  me  a  mission. 

The  country  had  every  appearance  of  being  on  the  eve  of  a 
revolution  from  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  1849  until  July, 
1850,  when  General  Taylor  died.  The  language  and  spirit  of 
the  representatives  of  the  States  of  North  and  South  Carolina, 


■     •         Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  151 

Georgia,  Yirginia,  Mississippi,  etc.,  w-ere  quite  as  violent  and 
defiant  as  tliev  were  in  1S60.  Those  representatives,  sustained 
by  the  Southern  press,  threatened  to  go  out  of  the  Union  if 
California  was  admitted  into  it  with  a  constitution  prohibiting 
sla\'erj.  The  ruling  party  of  the  Korth  was  united  and  firm 
in  its  determination  to  admit  California  under  the  constitution 
which  its  citizens  had  adopted.  Yicesl-Pjesident  Fillmore  had 
been,  through  his  public  life,  distinguished  for  nothing  more 
than  his  earnest  opposition  to  slavery.  Though  always  a 
"Whig,  his  opinions  on  that  subject  were  always  in  advance 
of  Francis  .Grranger,  Albert  H.  Tracy/- Luther  Bradisli, 
Charles  P.  Kirkland,  and  other  prominent'  gentlemen  with 
whom  he  was  23olitically  associated.  The  Whig  party,  there- 
fore, wa«  startled,  first  by  rumors-'  and  then  by  trustworthy 
information,  that  in  assuming  the  Executive  Department  of 
government,  he'  would  back  down  from  the  high  position 
"Miich  President  Taylor,  a  Southern  man  and  a  slaveholder, 
had  fallen.  He  formed  a  very  able  Cabinet,  with  Mr.  Web- 
ster at  its  head,  and  before  Congress  met  had  matured  a 
series  of  pro^slavery  or  compromise  measures  (including  a 
stringent  Fugitive  Slave  Law)  repugnant  to  the  principles  and 
sympathies  of  the  Whig  party.  Against  these  measures,  and 
consec[nently  against  Mr.  Fillmore's  adniinistration,  I  took 
strong  ground,  denouncing  the  President  and  his  policy  in 
no  measured  language.  This,  of  course,  divided  the  Whig 
party,  and  occasioned  an  exciting  and  bitter  conflict.  I  will 
not  here  discuss  the  merits  of  that  conflict. 

During  the  winter  or  sj)ring  of  1851  I  was  asked  by  Mr. 
Norton,  a  Whig  member  of  the  Legislature  from  Allegany 
county,  ISr.  Y.,  who  had  been  to  Washington  and  came  back  an 
Administration  man,  if  I  did  not  want  to  go  abroad,  adding 
that  Mr.  Fillmore  would,  he  ^thought,  offer  me  a  mission  if  it 
was  known  that  I  would  accept  it.  I  replied  that  I  had 
work  enough  at  home ;  and  -thought  no  more  about  it  until 
a  week  or  ten  days  afterward,  when  Governor  Hunt  surprised 
me  with  the  same  question,  and  entered  dnto  a  long  and 
friendly  conversation  with  me  on  the  subject.  Governor  Hunt 
himself,  though  always  conservative,  and  very  desirous  to 
preserve  harmony  in  our  party,  did  not  approve  of  the  extreme 


152  Selections  from  the  ISTewsJ^aper 

concessions  which  it  was  evident  Mr.  Filhuore,  Mr.  Clay,  and 
Mr.  Webster  were  nrging.  He  informed  me  that  he  did  not, 
however,  desire  me  to  leave  the  ^''  Evening  Journal^''  although 
he  was  authorized  to  say  that  if  I  accepted  the  mission,  and 
desired  to  retire  from  business,  Mr.  John  T.  Bush,  of  Erie, 
would  purchase  my  interest  in  the  ^'  Evening  Jowrnair  I 
understood  Governor  Hunt  to  say  that  Mr.  Joseph  B.  Yar- 
num,  a  Whig  member  of  the  Legislature  from  the  city  of 
New  York,  who  had  just  returned  from  Washington,  was 
authorized  b}^  Mr.  Fillmore  to  request  Governor  Hunt  to 
make  this  effort  to  avert  a  rupture  in  thq  Whig  party  in 
our  State.  I  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to  decline  both  propo- 
sitions. 

I  passed  the  winter  of  1869  at  Aiken,  in  South  Carolina, 
finding  among  other  invalids  there,  the'  Hon.  Hugh  Maxwell 
of  ]^[ew^  York,  a  gentleman  whom  I  had  known  for  many 
years,  and  for  whose  character  and  talents-  I  entertained  a 
liigli  respect.  We  had  had,  however,  but  a  slight  personal 
acquaintance,  and  very  little  personal  intercourse.  I  found 
him  a  gentleman  of  high  cnltivation,  and,  although  at  an 
advanced  age,  indulging  all  the  social  and  literary  habits  and 
tastes  for  which  he  had  been  distinguished  in  earlier  life.  The 
friendships  formed  during  the  winter  at  Aiken,  prominent 
among  which  is  that  with  Mr,  Maxwell,  are  among  the 
pleasant  recollections  of  an  agreeable  winter.  At  one  of  our 
evening  communions,  Mr,  Maxwell  inquired  if  in  the  early 
part  of  Mr.  Fillmore's  administration  I  had-  been  ojffered  a 
foreign  mission,  and,  upon  my  replying  afiirmatively,  he 
inquired  if  I  knew  where  and  how  the  idea  of  sending  me 
abroad  originated,  I  replied  substantially,  but  briefly,  as  before 
w^ritten.  He  then  informed  me  that  my  earnest  and  reiter- 
ated attacks  upon  President  Fillmore's  administration  created 
much  uneasiness  among  the  conservative  Whigs  of  the  city; 
that,  after  reflecting  upon  the  subject  and  conversing  with 
leading  Whigs,  he  invited  several  of  them  to  his  room  in  the 
Custom  House  (Mr.  M.  was  then  Collector  of  the  Port),  where, 
after  free  consultation,  it  w^as  agreed  that  the  danger  to -the 
Administration  from  the  hostility  of  the  '•'■Alhany  Evening 
JournaV  rendered  it  imperative  that  its  management  should 
be  changed,  and  that   the  surest  way  of  accomplishing  this 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  153 

object  would  be  to  send  its  editor  abroad ;  and  that  he,  Mr. 
M.,  was  reqnest-ed  to  write  to  President  Filhiiore  fully  on  the 
subject ;  that  he  immediately  informed  Mr.  Fillmore  by  letter 
of  the  result  of  this  conversation,  urging -him  to  offer  me  a 
mission,  that  being,  in  the  judgment^  of  his  New  York 
friends,  tlie  onlj^  way  of  disposing  of  the  troublesome  and 
dangerous  man ;  that  Mr.  Fillmore  replied  promptly  to  his 
letter,  thanking  him  for  his  suggestion,  saying  that  it  would 
afford  him  great  pleasure  to  offer  me  a  foreign  mission,  tirst 
-as  a  suitable  recognition  of  my  services  to  the  Whig  cause,  and 
next  on  account  of  the  long  and  pleasant  personal,  political, 
and  social  relations  that  had  existed  between  us.  Mr.  Max- 
well then  remarked  that  his  principal  object  in  recalling  this 
incident  was  to  show  me  that  Mr.  Fillmore  not  only  remem- 
bered old  friendships,  but  ha^l  based  his  offer  of  a  mission  to 
me  upon  better  grounds  than  those  suggested  by  his  friends  in 
New  York. 

In  tlie  autumn  of  1852  I  -went  to  Europe  (accompanied  by 
a  daughter  who  has  made  six  passages  across  the  Atlantic  with 
me),  visiting  ^yitli  great  interest  Yienna  and  Naples,  but  only 
as  a  private  citizen.  Our  Government  was  then  rep'resented  in 
Austria  by  the  Hon.  Mi'.  McCurdy  of  Connecticut,  and  by  the 
Hon.  Mr.- Morris  at  Naples,  to  both  of  whom  we  were  indebted 
for  marked  attentions.  I. refer  to  this  European  tour  now, 
merely  to  relate  an  incident  which  shows  that,  by  one  of  those 
chances  that  occur  very  seldom,  as  a.  stranger  I  was  admitted 
to  an  imperial  cereniony  from  which,  had  I  been  the  dip- 
lomatic representative  of  my  country,  I  should  have  been 
excluded. 

The  Emperor  of  Russia  arrived  at  Yienna  on  a  visit  to  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  on  a  Saturday  afternoon.  We  went,  with 
a  large  crowd,  to  witness  at  the  railway  station  the  reception 
of  one  Emperor  by  another.  Early  on  Sunday  morning  1 
suggested  to  the  ladies  of  our  party  (Mrs.  and  Miss  Hunter  of 
E-ochester,  and  Mrs.  W.  H.  De  Witt  of  Albany),  that  by  repair- 
ing to  the  palace  we  might  get  another  glimj)se  of  their  Maj- 
esties, while  they  were -going  from  the  palace  to  the  chapel. 
The  probability  of  this,  however,  jw^as  so  slight,  that  no  one  but 
my  daughter  accompanied  me;  As  we  approached  the  palace, 
we  fell  into  what  Dr.  Johnson  calls  "a  stream  of  life,"  running 
20        .  .  ■ 


154  Selections  from  the  I^ewspapee 

in  that  direction.  The  approach  to  the  palace  stairway  was 
densely  crowded.  Immediately  before  us  were  a  lady  and 
gentleman,  to  make  room  for  whom,  the  crowd  struggling 
backwards,  opened  a  passage.  We  followed  until  we  reached 
the  foot  of  the  stairway,  where  sentinels  were  stationed.  After 
ascending  a  few  steps,  the  lady,  who  had  observed  us  behind 
them,  spoke  to  the  gentleman,  who  immediately  turned  and 
directed  the  orderly  to  pass  us.  Following  them,  we  were  ush- 
ered into  an  immense  ante-room,  filled  with  marshals,  generals, 
and  staff  officers  of  the  imperial  arnly,  whose  magnificent  uni- 
forms were  resplendent  with  decorations.  Passijig  through  this 
chamber  we  came  to  another,  in  which  were  tlie  diplomatic  corps, 
with  their  families,  in  full  court  dress.  Here  my  progress  was 
arrested,  for  a  reason  which,  as  the  usher  civilly  explained  it 
in  German,  I  did  not  understand.  But  the  gentleman,  to 
whose  courtesy  we  were  so  far  indebted,  turned  and  informed 
me  that  m_y  frock-coat  excluded  me  from  an  apartment  graced 
by  ladies,  but  that  my  daughter  could  pass  with  them.  I 
remained,  therefore,  in  the  room  occupied  by  the  marshals, 
etc.,  for  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes,  when  folding  doors  were 
thrown  open  and  the  two  Emperors,  followed  by  the  Imperial 
family,  passed  through  these  ante-rooms  to  the  chapel.  The 
highest  dignitaries  only,  military  and  diplomatic,  were  invited 
to  this  ceremony.  The  exception  was  an  unknown  American 
citizen,  with  his  daughter,  who  were,  in  the  remarkable  way 
that  I  have  indicated,  admitted  to  that  honor.  The  lady 
referred  to,  very  kindly  named  the  most  distinguished  ladies 
and  gentlemen  to  my  daughter,  and  in  this  way  relieved  the 
embarrassment  of  her  position.  In  the  evening  of  the  same 
day,  while  taking  tea  with  Mr.  McCurdy,  our  good  fortune  in 
having  a  quiet  look  at  the  Emperors  in  the  palace  was  s]3oken 
of,  exciting  first  the  incredulity  and  then  the  surprise  of  our 
Minister,  who,  on  inquiring  why  we  did  not  meet  him  there, 
replied  that  our  Government  being  represented  only  by  a 
charge  d'affaires,  he  was  not  invited  ;  but  the  questioniiow  loe 
got  there  remained  as  much  a  wondei-  as  that  of  the  "fly 
in  amber." 

On  the  following  day,  Monday,  the  Emperor  Joseph  gave 
his  Imperial  brother  of    Russia  a  review.      To  see   this  we 


I 


Articles  of  Tiiltrlow  Weed.  155 

started  early,  that  our  carriage  might  have  an  advantageous 
"position,  which  fortunately  by  the  promptness  and  intelligence 
of  our  coaclmaan  we  secured.  Over  forty  thousand  troops 
were  in  line.  At  ten  a.  m.,  precisely,  the  two  Emperors, 
with  a  magnificently  mounted  suite,  dashed  out  of  the  palace 
yard  into  the  field.  While  the  line  Avas  passing  in  review,  a 
barouche  and  four,  with  the  Empress  mother,  and  three  other 
ladies  drove  into  the  field.  In  that  barouche  we  recognized 
and  exchanged  recognitions  with  the  lady  by  whom  we  were 
so  highly  fayored  the  previous  day.  And,  on  inquiry,  we 
ascertained  that  she  was  a  cousin  of  the  Emperor,  residing 
with  her  husband,  Avho  was  governor  of  the  castle  near 
Prague,  whi(5h  the  ex-Emperor  on  his  abdication  selected  as 
his  home.  -  *  *  *  *  *  *  -5t  * 
In  the  summer  of  1S61,  a  retired  merchant  of  'New  York 
called  upon  me  to  say  that  he  and  other  merchants  were 
anxious  to  obtain  a  consular  appointment  for  an  old  and 
meritorious  book-keeper,  who  for  more  than  thirty  years  had 
kept  the  books  of  one  of  our  largest  and  most  respectable 
commercial  houses.  The  book-keeper  came  to  ISTew  York 
from  England  when  he ,  was  quite  a  young  man,  and  now, 
in  his  old  age,  was  anxious  to  "go  home  to  roost."  In 
other  words,  he  desired  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his  life  in 
England,  so  that  he  might  finally  sleep  where  his  fathers 
slept.  Pie  was  represented  to  rae  as  a  most  deserving  man, 
and  who,  as  a  book-keeper,  was  endowed  with  all  the  habits 
and  virtues  which  distinguished  Tim  Linkinwater.  The  house 
he  had  served  so  long  and  faithfully,  and  other  merchants  who 
knew  him,  were  particularly  anxious  to  gratify  the  old  book- 
keeper. I  was  then  on  my  way  to  Washington,  and  took  the 
application  and  testimonials,  promising  to  do  the  best  I  could 
for  him.  While  at  breakfast  the  next  morning  with  the 
Secretary  of  State,  I  made  the  application,  and  before  I  had 
half  completed  the  enumeration  of  the  old  book-keeper's 
merits,  Mr.  Seward  requested  his  son  Frederick,  the  Assistant 
Secretary,  to  find  a  place  for  him.  I  went  to  the  Department 
with  Frederick,  and  in  looking  over  his  Consular  Register 
carefully,  his  eye  finally  rested  upon  Falmouth,  where,  upon 
examination,  he  found  that  the  consul  was  an  Englishman, 


156  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

and  had  held  the  office  more  than  twenty  years.  It  was 
decided,  therefore,  that  one  Englishman  shonld  give  phice  to 
another,  that  other  being  an  Americanized  Englishman.  I 
reported  this  determination  to  the  Secretary,  who,  immediately 
sent  my  friend's  name  to  the  President ;  and  when  the  mes- 
senger returned  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  approval,  Mr.  Hunter,  the 
chief  clerk,  was  directed  to  fill  up  the  commission  and  obtain 
the  President's  signature,  in  time  for  me  to  take  it  to  New 
York  that  afternoon.  Between  four  and  five  o'clock  p.  m.,  I 
went  to  Mr.  Hunter  for  the  commission,  which  lay  before  him 
on  his  desk.  He  rose  somewhat  deliberately'(as  is  his  manner)^_ 
took  the  commission  in  his  hand,  and  delivered  it  to  me  with- 
out speaking,  but  with  evident  reluctance.  I  said  :  "Is  it  all 
right,  Mr.  Hunter  ?  "  He  replied:  "I  haye  obeyed  orders." 
"  But,"  I  added,  "  you  do  not  seem  pleased.  Is  there  any 
thing  wrong  about  the  appointment  ?  "  "I  have  nothing  to 
say  about  the  appointment,  but  I  have  never  discharged  a 
duty,  since  I  came  into  the  Department,  with  so  much  regret." 
Upon  inquiring  what  caused  his  regret,  he  said :  "  The 
first  commission  that  I  filled  out  when  I  came  into  this  office, 
twenty-six  years  ago,  was  for  Mr.  Fox,  our  consul  at  Falmouth, 
who  succeeded  his  then  recently  deceased  father,  wdio  received 
his  appointment  from  President  Washington.  The  consular 
accounts  of  Mr.  Fox  are  as  neatly  and  accurately  kept  as  those 
of  General  Washington  during  the  Revolution.  I  think  he 
is  the  best  consul  in  the  service  of  the  Groverriment.  You  will 
judge,  therefore,  whether  the  removal  of  such  a  consul  is 
not  calculated  to  occasion  regret."  When  he  finished, 
while  he  stood  looking  at  me,  with  his  pen  in  his  hand, 
I  deliberately  tore  the  commission  into  strips,  threw 
them  into  the  waste-paper  basket,  and  left  the  Department 
for  the  cars.  When  I  explained  in  New  York  what  had 
occurred  at  Washington,  it  was  approved,  not  onl}^  by  the 
gentleman  who  had  asked  me  to  interest  myself,  but  by  the 
applicant  himself. 

In  1862,  while  in  London,  I  was  sitting  at  the  Legation,  with 
Mr.  Moran,  its  secretary,  when  a  plain,  elderly  gentleman,  in 
modernized  Quaker  costume,  came  in  and  was  introduced  to  me 
as  Mr.  Fox,  our  consul  at  Falmouth.  Before  he  left  the  room 
to  see  our  Minister,  Mr.  Adams,  I  asked  him  if  he  knew  how 


,    Aettcles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  157 

near  he  came  to  losing  his  official  head  a  year  ago.  In  replying 
that  he  had  no  such  knowledge,  he  added  that  he  understood 
that  he  had  had  some  narrow  escapes  in  former  times,  but 
that  since  the  Rebellion  broke  out  he  had  been  so  busy  in  trying 
to  show  his  countrymen  that  in  a  war  to  extend  and  strengthen 
slavery  their  sympathies  should  be  with  the  North,  that  he  had 
not  thought  about  being  removed.  He  then  added,  that  it  was 
not  so  much  for  the  emolument  as  for  the  pleasure  of  serving  the 
American  Government,  that  he  desired  to  retain  the  office  which 
his  fathei*  received  from  George  Washington,  He  was  evi- 
dently much  gratified  at  the  incident  I  related,  and  invited  me 
vei'y  cordially  to  visit  him. 

Haviug  shown  when  and  why  I  declined  foreign  missions,  it 
seems  proper  that  I  should  follow  up  the  narrative  with  an 
event  of  more  recent  occurrence.  I  will  now,  therefore,  relate 
when,  and  how, 'and  under  what  peculiar  circumstances.  I  did 
finally  go  abroad  iii  a  semi-official  character. 

Late  in  October,  1861,  it  was  deemed  important  l)y  the  Ad- 
ministration that  some  gentlemen  of  intelligeiice  and  experi- 
ence, possessing  a  good  knowledge  of  all  the  circumstances 
which  preceded  and  occasioned  tlie  rebellion,  should  be  sent 
abroad  to-tlisabuse  the  public  mind,  especially  in  England  and 
France,  where  numerous  and  active  agents  of  secession  and  re- 
bellion had  long  been  at  work,  in  cpiarters  too  ready  to  accept 
versions  unfavorable  to  the  North.  Sinniltaneously,  I  arrived 
at  Washington  and  was  informed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  that 
the  late  Edward  Everett  of  Boston,  and  Archbishop  Hughes 
of  New  York,  J.  R.  Kennedy  of  Baltimore,  and  Bishop  Mc- 
Ilvaine  of  Ohio,  had  been  invited  to  accept  this  mission ;  but 
that  he  was  embarrassed  by  the  declension  of  Messrs.  Everett 
and  Kennedy.  Mr.  Everett,  having  formerly  been  our  Minis- 
ter at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  accept 
an  unofficial  position ;  and  Mr.  Kennedy  did  not  feel  able  to 
abandon  his  business  and  go  abroad  without  compensation. 
The  four  gentlemen  thus  selected  were  informed  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  that  their  actual  expenses  only  would  be  paid. 
The  Secretary  then  asked  me  to  suggest  two  suitable  persons  to 
supply  these  vacancies.  I  named  Mr.  Winthrop  of  Boston, 
and  Mr.  Ewing  of  Ohio.     He  thought  well  of  both,  and  said 


158  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

he  would  immediately  suggest  their  names  to  the  President  and 
Cabinet.    Archbishop  Hughes,  Bishop  Mcllvaine,  and  Secretary 
Chase  were  to  dine  that  day  with  Secretary  Seward.     I  told 
him  that  I  would  drop  in  after  his  guests  had  left  in  the  even- 
ing.    I  called  at  nine  o'clock,  and  found  the  Archbishop,  who 
had  been  informed  that  I  was  expected,  waiting  for  me.     And 
now  I  learned,  greatly  to  my  surprise  and  regret,  that  the  Arch- 
bishop had  declined.   Of  the  four  gentlemen  designated.  Bishop 
Mcllvaine  alone  had  accepted.     The  Secretary,  after  I  came 
in,  resumed  the  conversation  and  I'enewedly  urged  the  Arch- 
bishop to  accept.     But  he  persisted  in  h>,is  declination,  repeat- 
ing, as  I  inferred,  the  reasons  previously  given  for  declining. 
The  conversation  was  interrupted  by  a  servant,  who  ushered 
Baron  von  Gerplt,  the  Prussian  Minister,  into  the  parlor.     The 
Secretary  seated  himself  with  the  Baron  upon  a  sofa  in  the 
ante-room,  and  I  took  advantage  of  the  interruption  to  urge  the 
Archbishop  with  great  earnestness  to  withdraw  his  declination. 
He  reiterated  his  I'easons  for  declining.     I  told  him  that  I  had 
already   listened   attentively   to    all    he    had     said    and   that 
while  I  knew  he  always  had  good  and  sufficient   reasons  for 
whatever  he  did   or  declined  to  do,  he   had  not   yet    chosen 
to  state  them  ;  and  that  while  I  did   not  seek  to  know  more 
than  he  thought  proper  to  avow,  I  must  again  appeal  to  him  as 
a  loyal  citizen,  devoted  to  the  Union  and  capable  of  rendering 
great  service  at  a  crisis  of  imminent  danger,  not  to  persist  in 
his  refusal,  unless  his  reasons  fordoing  so' were  insurmountable. 
After  a  long  pause,  he  placed  his  hand  upon  my  shoulder,  and, 
in  his  impressive  manner  and  clear,  distinct  voice,  said,  "^^VCLU..- 
you  go  with  me?"     I  replied,  "  I  have  once  enjoyed  the  great 
happiness  of  a  voyage  to  Europe  in  your  company,  and  of  a 
^        tour  through  Ireland,  England,  and  Erance  under  your  protec- 
tion.    It  was  a  privilege  and  a  pleasure  which  I  shall  never  for- 
get.    I  would  cheerfully  go  with  you  now  as  your  secretary  or 
your  valet,  if  that  would  give  to  the  Government  the  benefit 
of  your  services."      And  here   the  conversation  rested  until 
Baron  von  Gerolt  took  his  leave.     When  Governor  Seward  re- 
turned, the  Archbishop  rose   and   said,    "  Governor,   I  have 
changed  my  mind,  and  will  accept  the  appointment,  with  this 
condition,  that  he" — placing  his  hand  again  upon  my  shoulder 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  159 

— "  goes  with  me  as  a  colleague.  And  as  jou  want  us  to  sail 
next  Wednesday,  I  shall  leave  for  'New  York  by  the  first  train 
in  the  morning.  I  lodge  at  the  Conxent  in  Georgetown,  and 
I  will  now  take  my  leave.  So,  g;ood  night,  and  good-by."  I 
accompanied  the  Archbishop  to  hi^^arriage,  where,  after  he 
was  seated,  he  said,  with  a  significant  gesture,  "  This  pro- 
gi-amme  is  not  to  be  changed." 

Keturning  to  the  parlor,  I  found  Secretary  Seward,  as  I  an- 
ticipated, eilibarrassed  and    depressed.     No  explanation    was 
needed.     His  position  in  the  Cabinet  and  with   Congress  was 
giving  hitn  andliis  friends  much  annoyance.     He  was  charged 
by  Radical  meml)ers  of  both,  and  by  the  Radical  press,  with  a 
want  of  energy  and  courage,  although,  in  point  of  fact  he  had 
been  steadily  and  zealously  in  favor  of  the  largest  army,  and  the 
largest  appropriations  of  money  for  war  purposes,  from  the 
beginning.      The   country   was   rife   with   personal    slanders 
against  him  ;  leadhig  Senators  were  determined  to  drive  him 
out  of  the  Cabinet;  for  wisdom  and  firmness  in  counsel,  and 
hard  mental  and  physical  labor  daj^  and  night,  he  was  all  but 
literally  stoned  and  scourged.     Altogether  his  position  was  one 
of  extreme-^  embarrassment.     I  was  much  more  obnoxious  to 
the  same  class  of  Republicans.     Three  members  of  the  Cabinet 
(Messrs.  Chase,  Wells,  and  Blair),  together  wdtli  several   dis- 
tinguished members  of  Congress,  were  politically  and  person- 
ally my   enemies.     Secretarj-  Chase  had  fair  reasons  for  his 
hostility,  for  I  had  strenuously  and  steadily  opposed  him  in  his 
aspirations  for  the  Presidency.     Leading  Radical  journals  were 
J)itterlyJiostile  to  me.     I  had  incurred  the  displeasure  of  these 
classes  early  in  the  rebellion  by  insisting  that  there  was  a  strong 
loyal  sentiment  in  Western  Yirginia,  Eastern  Tennessee,  and 
throughout  ISTorth  Carolina  —  a  sentiment  which,  if  cherished 
and  protected,  would  narrow  the  boundaries  of  rebellion.     I 
had  sustained  what  was  known  as  the  "  Border  State  Proposi- 
tipn  "  in  Congress — a  proposition  wdiicli^'if  adopted,  would 
have  gone  far  to  divide  and  weaken  the  South  ;  and  worse  than 
all,  I  liad  maintained  from   the  beginning  that  the  war  ought 
to  be  prosecuted  for  the  maintenance  of  the  government  and 
the  preservation  of  the  Union,  holding  and  declaring  at  the 
same  time  that  slavery  would  be  deservedly   destroyed  as  the 
only  adequate  penalty  and  punishment  for  a  wanton  and  wicked 


160  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

rebellion  against  the  best  form  of  government  in  the  world. 
Perhaps  no  other  man,  who  had  enjoyed  for  thirty  years  or 
more  so  largely  the  confidence  of  his  party,  had  ever  become 
so  suddenly  obnoxious  to  the  ruling  sentiment  of  that  party. 
Secretary  Seward,  therefore,  apprehended,  as  he  had  abundant 
reasons  for  apprehending,  that  in  superadding  my  offenses  to 
his  own  responsibilities,  they  would  inevitably  sink  him.  I 
felt  this^keenly,  and  determined  to  return  to  I^ew  York  and 
"i-eTieve  him,  by  persuading  the  Arclibishop  to  go  without  me. 
The  Secretary  informed  me  that  he  should  be  in  JSTew  York  on 
the  following  Monday  morning,  two  days  jbefore  the  time  fixed 
for  the  departure  of  the  Commissioners.  I  remained  in  Wash- 
ington attending  to  other  duties  till  the  -afternoon  of  the  next 
day,  but  had  no  further  conversation  with  the  Secretary  on 
that  subject.  On  my  arrival  at  Albany,  I  found  the  following 
letter  from  the  Archbishop  : 

"New  York,  Oct.  29,  1861. 

"  My  Dear  Mr.  Weed  :  I  cannot  '  condescend '  to  appoint 
you  to  either  of  the  offices  which  you  so  humbly  suggested  in 
a  whisper  the  other  evening  in  Washington.  Bilt  I  do  hereby 
appoint  you,  with  or  without  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  be 
my  friend  (as  you  always  have  been)  and  my  companion  in  our 
brief  visit  to  Europe. 

"  The  more  I  reflect  upon  the  subject,  the  more  I  am  con- 
vinced that,  whether  successful  or  not,  the  purpose  is  marked, 
in  actual  circumstances,  by  large,  enlightened,  and  very  vvise 
statemanship. 

"  I  have  engaged  a  state  room  for  you,  next  to  my  own,  on 
the  Africa,  which  sails  on  the  6th  proximo. 

"  We  shall  have  time  enough  to  talk  on  the  way,  about  mat- 
ters and  things. 

"  I  remain,  very  sincerely, 

''  Your  obed't  serv't,  . 
"  t  John,  Archbishop  of  New  York." 

I  returned  to  New  York  on  Monday  morning,  prepared  for 
either  contingency.  I  found  the  Archbishop  inflexible,  and 
after  he  frankly  explained  to  me  his  reasons  for  insisting  upon 
my  accompanying  him,  I  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  disappoint 
him.  Secretary  Seward  came  on  from  Washington  on  the  Sun- 
day night  train ;  and  immediately  after  breakfast,  the  Arch- 
bishop called  upon  him  at  the  Astor  House,  as  did  Mr.  R.  M. 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  161 

Blatcliford  and  tlie  late  Mr.  E..  B.  Miutnrn,  to  whom,  with 
myself,  the  Sficretaiy  read  his  instructions  and  then  handed 
them  to  the  Archbishop,  with  which  he  took  his  leave.  Mr. 
Minturn  then  qnite  warmly  expressed  his  gratification  npon  my 
appointment,  to  which  Secretary  Seward  replied,  "  Mr.  A¥eed 
goes  abroad  as  a  volunteer  and  at  his  own  expense."  Mr.  Min- 
turn at  iirst  regarded  this  as  a  joke  ;  but  upon  learning  that  the 
Sey^retary  was  in  earnest,  he  left  the  room  abruptly.  I  turned 
the  conversation  for  a  few  minutes,  and  then  left  also.  I 
found  Mr.  Minturn  walking  in  the  hall  in  front  of  my  door, 
more  than  usually  disturbed.  He  followed  me  into  my  room, 
and  handed  me  a  check  for  $1,000,  remarking  that  I  would 
find  a  credit  at  Baring  Brothers,,  in  London,  to  meet  my  ex- 
penses, as  long  Rs  the  interests  of  the  country  required  me  to 
remain  there.  Mr-.  Blatcliford,  when  left  alone  with  the  Secre- 
tary, made  some  inquiries  which  disturbed  him  so  much  that 
he  came  down  and  protested  against  my' leaving  the  country 
under  circumstances  so  humiliating.  Meantime  Mr.  Seward 
departed  by  a  special  train  for  Washington.  I  realized  pain- 
fully, the  perplexities  of  my  position.  Between  my  promise 
to  the  Archbishop,  the  rebuif  of  the  Secretary,  and  a  reason- 
able degree  of  self-respect,  it  was  difficult  to  determine  what  I 
ought  to  do.  I  did  not  doubt  that  when  the  fact  that  I  was  to 
go  abroad  in  a  highly  important  and  confidential  capacity  became 
knowii  at  Washington,  a  storm  would  be  raised  which  would  con- 
strain the  Secretary  to  disavow  the  appointment,  as  he  might  do 
with  justice  and  truth ;  for,  as  I  have  already  stated,  it  was  de- 
manded by  Archbishop  Hughes  as  the  condition  upon  which 
he  himself  consented  to  go.  I  remarked  to  Mr.  Blatcliford, 
that  Mr.  Seward  had  been  so  often  assailed  and  so  long  held 
responsible  for  all  my  alleged  shortcomings  that  he  had  become 
impatient  and  nervous,  so  much  so  that  it  needed  only  this 
feather  to  break  the  camel's  back.  Mr.  Blatchford,  however, 
was  not  appeased,  and  immediately  sat  down  in  my  room  and 
wrote,  if  I  may  judge  by  his  excited  manner,  a  very  earnest 
letter  to  the  Secretary.  This  letter  was  mailed  immediately, 
and  reached  Governor  Seward  while  at  breakfast  the  next 
morning.  A  few  hours  afterward,  Mr.  Blatchford  received  a 
telegram  from  the  Secretary,  informing  him  that  my  credentials 
would  reach  New  York  by  special  messenger  in  time  for  the 
21 


162  Selections  from  the  I^ewspaper 

steamer.  This  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  the  question,  and 
proved  quite  as  gratifying  to  my  friends  Blatchf ord  and  Min- 
tnrn  as  to  myself. 

In  due  time,  my  letter  to  Earl  Russell,  accrediting  me  nn-_ 
officially  to  the  English  Government ;  to  the  Hon.  Charles 
"Francis  Adams,  our  Minister  to  England;  to  Hon.  William  L. 
Dayton,  our  Minister  to  France ;  and  to  the  Prince  Napoleon, 
were  received.  They  were  couched  in  language's  strong  and 
generous  as  conhdence  and  friendship  could  inspire.  The 
cloud,  therefore,  which  lowered  for  a  few  d^ys  over  me,  revealed 
its  silver  lining ;  and  I  departed,  resolved,-  nnder  the  aus- 
pices of  a  kind  Providence,  jn  which  I  trusted,  not  to  disap- 
point the  expectations  of  my  friends.  Ho'w  far  L was  success- 
ful in  this  resolution,  and  what  occurred  during  the  eventful 
and  trying  period  of  my  sojourn  in  England  and  France,  will 
constitnte  other  chapters  in  this  narrative.  It  is  sufficient  for 
my  present  pnrpose  to  say,  that  I  was  greatly  and  strangely 
favored  by  circumstances.  The  doors  of  princes  and  of  poten- 
tates were  opened  for  me  in  unexpected  and  unusual  ways. 
The  steamer  which  followed  us,  arriving  ont  two  days  after  we 
landed,  bronght  intelligence  of  the  taking  of  Messrs.  Mason 
and  Slidell  from  under  the  British  flag.  This  occasioned 
throu2:hout  EnMand  a  universal  and  indio-nant  war  cry.  On 
the  following  day,  breaking  through  all  the  usual  forms  of  di- 
l^lomacy,  through  an  accidental  channel  I  was  tendered  an  audi- 
ence by  Earl  Pussell  at  Pembroke  Lodge,  Richmond  Hill,  his 
country  residence;  and  subsequently  was  received  by  the  Duke 
of  Argyle,  Milnor  Gibson,  Count  de  Morny,  and  other  distin- 
guished officials  in  London  and  Paris,  as  a  representative  of  my 
country,  without  ever  having  an  opportunity,  with  a  single  ex- 
ception, of  presenting  my  letters  of  instruction.  From  Prince 
Kapoleon,  to  whom  I  delivered  Governor  Seward's  letter,  I 
received  marked  attentions.  The  Prince,  differing  widely  and 
boldly  from  the  Emperor,  was  a  warm  friend  of  our  govei'u- 
ment,  and  sought  occasions  to  serve  us.  Our  foreign  ministers 
in  London,  Paris  and  Brussels  received  me  with  a  cordiality 
and  treated  me  with  a  consideration  which  is  pleasantly  and 
gratefully  remembered.  The  letters  to  Earl  Russell,  etc.^^tc, 
not  having  been  delivered,  are  now  ])reseiwed  as  souvenirs  for 
my  descendants. 


Aktioles  of  Tiiuklow  Weed.  163 

T]ie  Trent  affair  agitated  England  greatly.  Her  people  were 
angrily  excited,  and  their  Government  profoundly  anxious  for 
a  peaceful  solution  of  the  difficulty.  Meantime,  as  there  were 
but  two  steamers  a  month  in  the  winter,  and  no  cable,  informa- 
tion was  waited  for  impatiently.  Our  friends  were  disap- 
l>ointed  and  alarmed  by  the  ominous  reticence  of  the  Seci'etary 
of  State,  and  under  this  pressure  I  wrote  him  a  letter,  express- 
ing regret  that  he  did  not  keep  Mr.  Adams  privately  advised 
of  the  progress  ajid  probabilities  of  tliat  all-absorbing  cpiestion, 
to  which  I  received  the  following  reply  : 

"  Washington,  March  Y,  1862. 

"My  Deak  Weed— I  thought  I  had  as  much  industry  as 
anybody  around  me,  and  with  it  a  little  versatility.  But  I 
know  nobody,  and  never  did  know  that  one  man  who  could  do 
all  you  seem  to  think  I  neglect  to  do,  as  well  as  all  the  labor  I 
actually  perform.  .  You  knew  when  you  left  here  how  much  I 
had  to  do  outside  of  mj^  own  proper  department,  how  little 
time  official  consultations  and  audiences  leave  me  to  work  at  all. 
But  all  this^seenis  now  forgotten,  and  you  insist  that  I  should 
have  written  private  notes  to  Mr.  Adams  Avhile  the  Trent  affair 
was  pending.  How  um;easonable !_  Our  first  knowledge  that 
the  British  Govermnent  proposed  to  make  it  a^  question  of 
offense  or  insult,  and  so  of  war, '  reached  me  on  a  Thursday. 
TJie^Th'ursday  following  T  ascertained  how  this  Government 
would  act  upon  it,  and  the  reply  Avent  from  my  hands  the  same 
day. 

"  1  am  under  the  necessity  of  consulting  the  temper  of  par- 
ties and  people  on  this  side  of  the  water,  quite  as  much  as  the 
temper  of  parties  and  people  in  England.  If:  I  had  been  as 
tame  as  you  think  would  have  been  wise  in  my  treatment  of 
affairs  with  that  country,  I  should  have  had  no  standing  in  my 
own.  I  am  willing  to  let  my  treatment  of  the  British  nation 
go  on  record  with  the  treatment  of  this  nation  by  the  British 
Ministry,  and  abide  the  w^orld's  judgment  of  the  question  on 
which  side  justice,  forbearance  and  courtesy  have  been  ex- 
ercised. 

"  I  shall  seem  just  as  much  reserved  in  this  as  in  other  let- 
ters. I  know  of  things  intended  to  be  done,  and  expected  to 
be  done ;  but  I  cannot  certainly  know  that  they  will  he  suc- 
cessfully done,  much  less  how  soon.  If.  I  promise  them,  and 
promise  them  speedily,  and  the  agents  relied  upon  fail,  I  shall 
be  reproached  for  false  prophecies,  as  I  was  last  summer. 

"I  hope  Harriet  has  recovered.  Indeed,  if  things"  are  half 
as  well  in  England  as  it  seems  to  me  here  that  they  ought  to 


164  Selections  feom  the  I^ewspaper 

be,  I  tnist  that  jou  have  given  her  the  benefit  of  the  Italian 
spring. 

"Eveiybody  writes  me  that  you  have  done  every  thing  well, 
and  that  your  services  have  been  exceedingly  useful.  I  rejoice 
in  your  success,  and  congratnlate  you  npon  having  deserved 
and  gained  the  confidence  of  the  wise  and  good  at  home  and 
abroad,  by  labors  devoted  to  the  salvation  of  the  Union,  with 
so  much  manifestly  resting  npon  yon. 

"  Faithfully  yours, 

'     "  William  H.  Sewaed. 

"  Thuelow  Weed,  Escj.,  London." 


THE  QUEEN  AND  AMEKICA. 

A.  D.  1875. 


HOW    A    WAR    WITH    ENGLAND    AND    FRANCE    WAS    AVERTED AN 

INTERVIEW  BETWEEN  MR.  WEED  AND  EARL  RUSSELL  IN  RELA- 
TION TO  THE  TRENT  AFFAIR  —  KIND  OFFICES  OF  MR.  m'oULLAGH 

TOERENS  — ■  STATE     SECRETS QUEEN     VICTORIA'S     EFFORTS     TO 

PRESERVE  PEACE  BETWEEN  ENGLAND  AND  AMERICA SUGGES- 
TIONS FROM  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT  TWICE  DISCOUNTE- 
NANCED    THE     DESPATCH     DEMANDING    THE     SURRENDER     OF 

MASON    AND    SLIDELL    MODIFIED    BY    HER. 

To  the  Editor  of  The  N.  Y.  Tribune  : 

Sir  :  The  celebration  of  the  ninety -ninth  anniversary  of 
American  Independence,  in  Loiidon,  possesses  more  than  ordi- 
nary interest,  indicating,  as  it  does,  a  gratifying  promise  that 
an  event  which  occasioned  a  seven  years'  war  between  England 
and  America,  will,  at  the  close  of  the  century  in  which  it 
occurred,  find  both  countries  cordially  united,  emulous  only  to 
rival  each  other  in  the  elevation  and  prosperity  of  their  respect- 
ive governments  and  peoples. 

The  toasts  given  and  the  speeches  elicited  at  the  London 
Fourth  of  July  celebration,  recall  incidents  connected  with  our 
late  rebellion  which  ought  to  become  a  part  of  the  history  of 
our  country.     During  the  darkest  days  of  that  rebellion  the 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  165 

danger  of  war  with  France  and  England  was  most  imminent. 
Antecedents  and  traditions  led  us  to  hope  for  sympathy  in 
France,  and  to  apprehend  hostility  in  England.  So  far  as  the 
French  government  was  concerned  that  hope  was  utterly  dis- 
appointed. Nor  did  the  friendlj^  feeling  which  we  looked  for 
among  the  French  people  exist.  With  one  exception  the 
Emperor  and  those  associated  with  him  in  the  government 
were"  against  us.  '  That  exception  was  the  Prince  Napoleon. 
He  was  our  firm  friend,  and  for  that  reason  was  out  of  favor. 
In  England  the  commercial  cities,  the  capitalists,  and,  as  a  rule, 
the  aristocracy  were  against  us.  In  the  manufacturing  districts 
we  had  friends  whose  representatives  in  Parliament  stood  by 
us  faithfully  on  all  questions.  But  the  Trent  affair  occurring 
at  a  most  critical  moment,  united  "  all  England  "  in  a  cry  for 
war.  Our  firmest  friends  in  and  out  of  Parliament  were  dis- 
mayed. All  felt  and  said  that  unless  the  Confederate  Commis- 
sioners, Mason-  and'  Slidell,  were  released,  war  was  inevitable. 
While  that  question  was  pending,  Messrs.  Cobden,  Bright, 
Forster,  Kinnaird,  and  other  members  of  Parliament  w^ere 
powerless  and  speechless.  Our  Ministerial  friends,  the  Duke 
of , Argyll  and  Milner  Gibson,  were  paralyzed. 

SERVICES    OF    MK.    m'cULLAGH    TOEEENS. 

At  that  nlost  critical  moment  Mr.  M'Cullagh  Torrens  ren- 
dered us  services  which  entitle  him  to  the  affection  and  grati- 
tude of  the  American  people.  I  was  introduced  to  him  the 
morning  after  my  arrival  in  London,  early  in  December,  1861, 
by  Mr.  Peabody,  at  whose  bank  a  large  number  of  panic-struck 
Americans  had  assembled.  Mr.  Torrens,  when  I  retired,  met 
me  at  the  door  of  the  banking-house,  remarking  that  my  arrival 
in  London  was  opportune,  and  that  I  must  see  Earl  Russell 
immediately.  I  replied  that  our  Minister,  Mr.  Adams  (then 
the  right  man  in  the  right  place),  would  present  me  to  the 
Minister  as  soon  as  practicable.  "  That  will  not  do,"  rejoined 
Mr.  Torrens.  "  Time  presses  ;  you  must  see  the  Earl  to-mor- 
row ; "  adding  that  he  would  arrange  an  audience,  and  inform- 
ing me  of  the  time  and  place  that  evening.  I  was  surprised  at 
the  warm  interest  manifested  by  an  Englishman  and  a  stranger, 
and  doubtful  of  the  propriety  of  anticipating  the  kind  inten- 
tions of  Mr.  Adams ;  but  that  gentleman  relieved  my  doubts 


166  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

on  this  point  by  advising  me  to  avail  myself  of  Mr.  Torrens' 
timely  offer. 

I  dined  that  day  with  the  late  Sir  J.  Emerson  Tennent 
meeting  a  large  and  what  proved  to  be  a  war  party  of  gentle- 
men, among  whom  was  the  Colonel  of  a  regiment  wliich  was 
to  leave  London  the  next  morning  to  embark  at  Liverpool  for 
Canada.  The  Colonel  was  toasted,  and  in  response  made  a 
brief  but  exciting  wai^ speech,  d\{^e]ling  with  much  effect  upon 
the  duty  of  Englishmen  to  resent  the  insults  to  their  flag.  I 
was  seated  at  the  table  next  to  Lord  Clarence  Paget,  of  the 
Admiralty,  who  informed  me  that  their  prepartions  for  war 
were  active  and  formidable,  and  that  f or^  the  flrst  time  since 
1815  they  were  working  double-handed,  night  and  day,  in  the 
dock-yards.  Returning  from  dinner  to  my  hotel  in  Hanover 
square,  I  found  Mr.  Torrens,  who  directed  me  to  leave  London 
the  next  morning  at  eleven  o'clock  and  drive  to  Pembroke 
Lodge,  Richmond  Hill,  Earl  Russell's  country-seat.       ""'""""-■'-""'***" 

MR.  weed    AND    EARL    RUSSELL. 

I  found  the  Minister  quite  alone,  and  was  courteously 
received.  Conversation  for  the  first  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  was 
embarrassed  by  an  evident  determination  on  the  part  of  the  Min- 
ister to  ignore  all  other  questions  until  the  honor  of  England 
should  be  satisfied  by  the  surrender  of  Mason  and  Slidell. 
Gradually,  however,  the  restraint  passed  away,  and  His  Lord- 
ship explained  the  circumstances  which  led  to  the  Queen's 
proclamation  giving  belligerent  rights  to  the  rebel  States.  It 
was  evident  that  even  if  his  sympathies  were  not  with  the 
South,  he  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  we  were  the  aggres- 
sors. I  endeavored  to  correct  that  impression  by  calling  his 
attention  to  two  or  three  nndeniable  facts  upon  which  the 
whole  merits  of  the  question  turned.  After  an  hour  and  a  half 
lunch  was  annonnced,  and  the  conversation  became  general. 

In  the  drawing-room,  after  the  Earl  had  conversed  aside  with 
Lady  Russell  for  a  few  minutes,  thanking  him  for  the  time  he 
had  spared  me,  I  was  taking  leave,  when  Lady  Russell  inter- 
posed, saying,  "  You  must  not  go  without  seeing  the  lodge 
grounds,"  in  walking  through  which  Her  Ladyship  pointed  out 
the  various  objects  and  localities  with  which  history  had  made 
me  familiar.     In  the  course  of  our  walk  she  remarked  that 


Articles  of  Tiiuklow  Weed.  161 

ladies  of  course  knew  notliing  of  State  secrets,  but  that  they 
had  ears,  and  sometimes  heard  things  ^^'hicll  might  not  have 
been  intended  for  them  ;  adding,  that  it  wonld  probably  relieve 
ni)'  anxiety  to  k-now  that  in  onr  difficulties  the  sympathies  of 
the  "Queen  were  with  our  government ;  that  Her  Majesty 
remembered  the  attentions  extended  to  her  son,  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  and  would  do  every  thing  in  her  power  to  prevent  a 
rupture  with  America. 

""""With  this  gleam  of  hope  I  returned,  well  satisfied  with  my" 
visit  to  Pembroke  Lodge,  and  grateful  to  Mr.  Torrens  for  the 
prompt  and  thoughtful  service  he  had  rendered.  But  that 
gentleman  was  not  content  with  one  good  turn.  He  was  con- 
stantly at  work  in  our  cause.  The  Daily  JVews,  next  to  The 
^liines^  was  the  most  influential  journal  in  England.  The 
News  espoused  our  cause  boldly  and  warmly.  Many  of  its 
best  and  ablest  American  articles  were  written  by  Mr.  Torrens. 
Some  weeks  after  Parliament  met,  there  was  a  vacancy  for 
Finsbury  ;  Mr.  Torrens,  a  member  of  the  previous  Parliament, 
had  not  been  returned.  He  now  oifered  for  Finsbury  and  was 
chosen,  .  when  his  sphere  of  usefulness  was  mucli  enlarged-. 
His  efforts  in  behalf  of  our  government  and  Union,  in  and 
out  of  Parliament,  were  constant,  and  continued  until  the  war 
was  over. 

THE    queen's    DESIKE    FOK    PEACE. 

While  waiting  with  intense  solicitude  for  the  decision  of  our 
government  upon  the  demand  of  England  for  the  surrender  of 
Mason  and  Slidell,  I  received  from  the  Hon.  Arthur  Kinnaird, 
M.  P.,  in  the  strictest  confidence,  positive  evidence  that  the 
Queen  had,  at  the  right  moment,  caused  the  dispatch  demand- 
ing the  surrender  of  Mason  and  Slidell  to  be  so  far  modified  in 
language  and  spirit  as  to  render  a  compliance  with  it  less  diffi- 
cult to  our  government.  Several  days  after  receiving  this 
information,  confirming  the  assurance  kindly  given  me  by  Lady 
Russell,  I  received  additional  and  conclusive  evidence  from 
another  high  source.  Since  the  illness  of  Prince  Albert,  the 
late  honored  and  lamented  Sir  Henry  Holland  had  made  daily 
visits  to  Windsor.  We  saw  him  every  evening  either  with 
Mr.  and  Mr.  Adams  at  the  Legation,  or  at  our  own  lodgings. 
To  the  question  whether  the  Queen  said  any  thing  about  our 


168  Selections  erom  the  ISTewspapee 

troubles,  he  replied  that  Her  Majesty  was  too  much  absorbed 
in  her  own  to  talk  or  think  about  public  matters. 

Some  days  after  the  information  received  from  Mr.  Khmaird, 
Sir  Henry  came  to  us  in  buoyant  spirits,  saying  that  he  now  had 
pleasant  news.  The  Queen,  he  said,  had  that  day  asked  if  there 
was  serious  danger  of  war  with  America,  receiving  in  reply  an 
assurance  from  the  court  physician  that  war  could  only  be 
averted  by  the  act  of  the  American  government.  The  Queen 
then  informed  Sir  Henrj^  and  his  medical  associate  what 
occurred  between  Her  Majesty;,  Lord  Palmerston,  and  Prince 
Albert  when  the  dispatch  demanding  the  surrender  of  Mason 
and  Slidell  was  brought  to  Windsor  for  approval.  This  state- 
ment not  only  confirmed  the  material  facts  communicated  by 
Mr.  Kinnaird,  but  superadded  minute  and  interesting  details. 

This  information,  however,  like  that  imparted  by  Mr.  Kin- 
naird, was  given  under  strict  injunctions  of  secrecy.  But  the 
death  of  Lord  Palmerston  removing  one  seal  of  secrecy,  and 
anxious  that  our  people  should  know  how  much  they  were 
indebted  to  the  Queen  of  England,  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Kinnaird, 
asking  his  permission  to  make  a  full  revelation  of  the  facts 
within  my  knowledge.  That  gentleman  communicated  with 
Mr.  Griadstone,  the  successor  of  Lord  Palmerston.  Mr.  Kin- 
naird's  reply  to  my  letter,  an  extract  from  which  I  feel  at 
liberty  to  publish,  will  show  that  the  question  encountered 
another  obstacle : 

FROM    THE    HON.   A.  KINNAIKD    TO    THUELOW   WEED. 

2  Pall  Mall  East,  December  22,  1870. 

Deae  Mr.  Weed  :  I  am  sorry  I  have  been  so  long  in  answer- 
ing your  letter,  but  I  lost  no  time  in  communicating  with  Mr. 
Gladstone.  At  first  he  only  sent  me  an  answer  through  his 
secretary,  saying  that  he  would  inquire,  as  he  was  not  aware  of 
the  fact.  I  have  at  last  received  a  very  full  answer  from  him, 
a  copy  of  which  I  inclose  confidentially.  I  cannot  agree  with 
him  as  to  a  verbal  correction  not  being  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance, for  a  person  may  inadvertently  express  a  thing  in  a  way 
which  might  appear  insulting  or  distrustful,  when  even  the 
slightest  alteration  in  the  wording  might  completely  change  its 
aspect.  Of  course,  under  the  circumstances,  it  will  be  impossi- 
ble to  make  any  official  use  of  Gladstone's  communication. 
But  it  must  rest  with  you  to  decide  w^hether  you  will  refer  to 
the  matter  as  resting  upon  your  own  memory  of  what  you 


Akticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  169 

heard  wlien  you  were  in  Eugland  at  the  time  of  the  war. 
I  do  trust  that  there  will  never  be  any  alteration  in  the  j 
friendly  relations  between  the  two  countries,  and  that  you  wil  ' 
succeed  in  getting  your  government  to  terminate  the  Alabama 
controversy,  as  in  England  there  is  a  full  disposition  to  do  so. 
Remember  me  most  kindly  to  Miss  Weed,  and  all  our  mutual 
friends. 

Yours  very  truly, 

A.  KiNNAIRD. 


THE    QUEEN  S    EFFOKTS    TO    MAINTAIN    PEACE. 

There  can  be  no  impropriety  in  saying  that  Mr.  Gladstone 
assumed  that  whatever  passes  between  the  Queen  and  her  Cab- 
inet Ministers,  while  a  question  is  under  consideration,  is  in  its 
nature  confidential.  I  am  constrained,  therefore,  to  act  upon 
Mr.  Kinnaird's  suggestion  in  atiirming,  as  I  do,  on  trustworthy 
information  that  on  three  occasions  during  the  first  year  of  the 
rebellion,  Queen  Victoi'ta  contributed  essentially  to  the  pre- 
servation of  peace  between  this  country  and  England.  On 
two  occasions  Her  Majesty  discountenanced  suggestions  from 
"^^  the"  French  government  which  meant  war. 

The"  Ei'st  was  a  proposition  for  the  joint  intervention  of 
France  and  England,  the  object  being  a  recognition  of  the 
Confederate  governmeDt.  The  next  was  the  introduction  into 
Parliament,  after  an  interview  by  the  mover  with  the  French 
Emperor,  of  a  resolution  repudiating  our  blockade.  The  pop- 
ular feeling  in  England  was  so  "strongly  in  favor  of  the  Con- 
federate States,  that  our  friends  in  Parliament  and  in  the 
Cabinet,  but  for  the  conviction  that  their  course  was  tacitly 
approved  by  their  Sovereign,  would  have  found  themselves 
unable  to  successfully  resist  those  hostile  measures. 

When  the  dispatch  demanding  the  surrender  of  Mason  and 
Slidell  was  read  by  Lord  Palmerston  to  the  Queen,  and  the 
consequences  of  a  refusal  were  explained.  Her  Majesty  was 
startled  and  distressed  at  the  idea  of  war  with  America.  Tak- 
ing the  dispatch  to  the  Prince  Consort,  who,  then  in  his  last 
illness,  was  sitting  in  his  apartment,  the  Queen  asked  him  to 
read  it,  saying  that  she  thought  the  language  and  spirit  were 
harsh  and   peremptory.     The   Prince,  concurrihg'm"  opinion  I    y" 

^  with  Her  Majesty,  subjected  the  dispatch  to  erasures  and  inter- 
lineations, in   which  amended  form  it  was  returned   to   the 
— ■-'       22 


'  lYO  Selections  from  the  ISTewspapee 

Premier.     In  relating  this  incident  to  Sir  Henry  Holland,  the 
V  J  Queen  added,  "  that  was  the  last  time  the  Prince  used  his  pen," 

Not  quite  sure  that  Mr.  Kinnaird,  in  his  letter,  intended  to 
permit  me  to  state  how  he  obtained  the  information  relating 
to  the  modification  of  Lord  Palmerston's  dispatch,  I  am  con- 
strained to  withhold  an  interesting  incident,  without,  however, 
relinquishing  the  hope  of  bringing  it  out  at  another  time  and 
in  another  form. 

Our  war  with  the  Confederate  States,  as  we  now  know  and 
realize,  was  formidable  enough  in  all  its  aspects  and  conse- 
quences without  the  aggravations  of  a^  simultaneous  conflict 
with  England  and  France.  The  Frencli  Emperor  was  unques- 
tionably in  favor  of  the  Confederate  States,  and  desired  to  aid" 
them  even  at  the  expense  of  a  war  with  our  government.  His 
point  was  that  France  needed  cotton.  The  Emperor  said  to 
Archbishop  Hughes  what  his  brother,  the  Count  de  Morny, 
repeated  to  me,  that  when  the  French  people  were  out  of 
employment,  the  government  was  expected  to  furnish  tliem 
with  bread  ;  that  cotton  was  essential  to  the  welfare  of  France, 
and  that  for  this  reason  the  French  government  was  justified 
in  urging  either  the  recognition  of  the  Confederate  government 
or  the  abandonment  of  our  blockade.  He  sought  and  expected 
the  co-operation  of  England,  a  large  majority  of  whose  citizens 
were  with  him  in  sentiment  and  sympathy.  But  that  national 
calamity  was  averted  by  the  firm,  enlightened,  steady,  and  wise 
course  of  eminent  and  influential  English  friends  of  our  govern- 
ment and  Union,  to  all  of  whom  my  sense  of  gratitude  is 
-- i3i-easu-red"B3rtlie  value  of  the  services  rendered.  T.  W. 

E'ew  York,  July  10,  1875.     • 


LIEUTENANT -GENEEAL  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

[From  Harper's  Magazine  for  March.] 

A.  D.   1814-1862. 


INCIDENTS    IN    HIS    LIFE. 


On  the  ninth  day  of  November,  ,1861,  I  left  New  York  for 
Havi'e  in  the  steamer  A.Tago^  and  was  fortunate  enough  to 


Aeticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  171 

meet  on  sliipboard  Lieutenant-General  Wiufield  Scott,  who 
contemplated  passing  the  winter  in  the  South  of  France.  We 
had  a-  rough  fifteen  days'  voyage.  Passengers,  as  usual,  be- 
guiled the  time  at  whist.  Gen.  Scott,  Col.  Winthrop  of  New 
Orleans,  Mr.  Green,  a  retired  merchant  of  New  York,  and 
myself,  made  a  table  for  the  voyage.  After  the  first  day,  in- 
stead of  "  cutting,"'  as  usual  for  partners,  Messrs.  Winthrop 
and  Green  played  constantly  against  the  General  and  myself. 
I  mention  this  circumstance  for  the  purpose  of  surprising  gen- 
tlemen who,  as  whist  players,  knew  General  Scott  so  long  and 
so  well,  with  the  additional  circumstance  that  during  the 
whole  voyage  the  General's  equanimity  was  imdisturbed  — 
that  not  a  word  ©f  reproof,  nor  even  an  impatient  gesture,  was 
heard  or  observed. 

One  evening,  after  our  rubber,  I  said  to  the  General : 
"  There  is  one  cpiestion  I  have  often  wished  to  ask  you,  but 
luive  been  restrained  by  the  fear  that  it  might  be  improper." 
The' general  drew  himself  np  and  said  in  his  emphatic  man- 
ner :  "  Sir,  you  are  incapable  of  asking  an  improper  question." 
I  said  :  '"  You  are  very  kind  ;  but  if  my  inquiry  is  indiscreet 
I  am  sure  you  M'ill  allow  it  to  pass  unanswered."  "  I  hear 
you,  sir,"  he  replied.  "  Well,  then.  General,  did  any  thing  re- 
markable happen  to  you  on  the  morning  of  the  battle  of 
Chippewa  ?  "  After  a  brief,  but  impressive,  silence,  he  said : 
"Yes,  sir;  something  did  happen  to  me  —  something  very  re- 
markable. I  will  now,  for  the  third  time  in  my  life,  repeat 
the  story : 

"The  fourth  day  of  Jnly,  1811:,  was  one  of  extrenie  heat. 
On  that  day  my  brigade  skirmished  w^itli  a  British  force  com- 
manded by  Gen.  Eiall,  from  an  early  hour  in  the  morning  till 
late  in  the  afternoon.  We  had  driven  the  enemy  down  the 
river  some  twelve  miles  to  Street's  Creek,  near  Chippewa, 
where  we  encamped  for  the  night,  our  army  occupying  the 
west,  while  that  of  the  enemy  was  encamped  on  the  east  side 
of  the  creek.  After  our  tents  had  been  pitched  I  observed  a 
flag  borne  by  a  man  in  peasant's  dress  aj)proaching  my  mar- 
quee. He  brought  a  letter  from  a  lady,  who  occupied  a  large 
mansion  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  creek,  informing  me  that 
she  was  the  wife  of  a  Member  of  Parliament,  who  was  then  at 
Quebec ;  that  her  children,  servants,  and  a  young  lady  friend 


172  Selections  from  the  INewspaper 

were  alone  witli  her  in  the  house;  that  Gen.  Riall  had  placed 
a  sentinel  before  her  door ;  and  that  she  ventured,  with  great 
doubts  of  the  propriety  of  the  request,  to  ask  that  I  would 
place  a  sentinel  upon  the  bridge  to  protect  her  against  strag- 
glers from  our  camp.  I  assi\red  the  messenger  that  the  lady's 
request  should  be  complied  with.  Early  the  next  morning 
the  same  messenger,  bearing  a  white  ilag,  reappeared  with 
a  note  from  the  same  lady,  thanking  me  for  the  pro- 
tection she  had  enjoyed,  adding  that,  in  acknowledgment 
of  my  civilities,  she  begged  that  I  would,  with' such  members 
of  my  staff  as  T  chose  to  bring  with  me,  -accept  the  hospitalities 
of  her  house  at  a  breakfast  which  had  been  prepared  with  con- 
siderable attention,  and  was  quite  ready.  Acting  upon  an  im- 
pulse which  I  have  never  been  able  to  analyze  or  comprehend, 
I  called  two  of  my  aids.  Lieutenants  Worth  and  Watts,  and 
returned  with  the  messenger  to  the  mansion  already  indicated, 

"  We  met  our  hostess  at  the  door,  who  ushered  us  into  the 
dining-room,  where  breakfast  awaited  us,  and  where  the  young 
lady  previously  referred  to  was  already  seated  by  the  coffee 
urn,  our  hostess  asking  to  be  excused  for  a  few  minutes,  and 
the  young  lady  immediately  served  our  coffee.  Before  we 
had  broken  our  fast.  Lieutenant  Watts  rose  from  the  table  to 
get  his  bandana  (that  being  before  the  days  of  napkins),  which 
he  had  left  in  his  cap  on  a  side-table  by  the  window,  glancing 
through  which  he  saw  Indians  approaching  the  house  on  one 
side,  and  red-coats  approaching  it  on  the  other,  with  an  evident 
purpose  of  surrounding  it  and  us,  —  and  instantly  exclaimed  : 
'  General,  we  are  betrayed ! '  Springing  from  the  table  and 
clearing  the  house,  I  saw  our  danger,  and,  remembering  Lord 
Chesterfield  had  said,  '  Whatever  it  is  proper  to  do  it  is  proper 
to  do  well,'  and  as  we  had  to  run,  and  my  legs  were  longer 
than  those  of  my  companions,  I  soon  outstripped  them.  As 
we  made  our  escape  we  were  fired  at,  but  got  across  the  bridge 
in  safety, 

"  I  felt  so  much  shame  and  mortification  at  having  so  nearly 
fallen  into  a  trap,  that  I  could  scarcely  fix  my  mind  upon  the 
duties  which  now  demanded  my  undivided  attention.  I  knew 
that  I  had  committed  a  great  indiscretion  in  accepting  the 
singular  invitation,  and  that  if  any  disaster  resulted  from  it  I 
richly  deserved  to  lose  both  my  commission  and  my  character. 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  173 

I  coastantly  found  myself  wondering  whether  the  lady  really 
intended  to  betray  ns,  or  whether  we  had  been  accidentally 
observed.  The  question  would  recur,  even  amidst  the  excite- 
ment of  battle.  Fortunately,  my  presence  and  services  in  the 
field  were  not  required  until  Generals  Porter  and  Ripley  had 
been  engaged  at  intervals  for  several  hours,  so  that  when  my 
brigade,  with  Towson's  artillery,  were  ordered  to  cross  Street's 
Creek,  my  nerves  and  confidence  had  become  measurably 
quieted  and  restored.  I  need  not  describe  the  battle  of  Chip- 
pewa. That  belongs  to  and  is  part  of  the  history  of  our 
country.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  at  the  close  of  the  day  we 
were  masters  of  the  position,  and  that  our  arms  were  in  no 
way  discredited.  The  British  army  had  fallen  back,  leaving 
their  wounded  in  our  possession.  The  mansion  which  I  had 
visited  in  the  morning  was  the  largest  house  near,  and  to  that 
the  wounded  officers  in  both  armies  were  carried  for  surgical 
treatment.  As  soon  as  I  could  leave  tlie  field  I  went  over  to 
look  after  my  wounded.  I  found  the  English  ofiicers  lying  on 
the  first  fioor,  and  onr  own  on  the  fioor  above.  I  saw  in  the 
lower  room  the  young  lady  whom  I  had  met  in  the  morning  at 
the  breakfast  table,  her  white  dress  all  sprinkled  with  blood. 
She  had  been  attending  to  the  British  wounded.  On  the 
second  floor,  just  as  I  was  turning  into  the  room  where  our 
officers  were,  I  met  my  hostess. 

"  One  glance  at  her  was  quite  sufficient  to  answer  the  ques- 
tion which  I  had  been  asking  myself  all  day.  She  had 
intended  to  betray  me,  and  nothing  but  the  accident  of  my 
aid  rising  for  his  handkerchief,  saved  us  from  capture. 

"  Years  afterward,  in  reflecting  upon  this  incident,  I  was 
led  to  doubt  whether  I  had  not  misconstrued  her  startled 
manner  as  I  suddenly  encountered  her.  That  unexpected 
meeting  would  have  occasioned  embarrassment  in  either  con- 
tingency ;  and  it  is  so  difficult  to  believe  a  lady  of  cultivation 
and  refinement  capable  of  such  an  act,  that  I  am  now,  nearly 
half  a  century  after  the  event,  disposed  to  give  my  hostess  the 
benefit  of  that  doubt." 

"  And  now,  sir,"  added  the  General,  "  this  is  the  third  time 
in  my  life  I  have  told  this  story.  I  do  not  remember  to  have 
been  spoken  to  before  on  that  subject  for  many  years."     He 


1Y4:  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

looked  at  me,  and  seemed  to  be  considering  with  himself  a 
few  moments,  and  then  said  :  "  Remembering  your  intimacy 
with  General  Worth,  I  need  not  inquire  how  yon  came  to  a 
knowledge  of  our  secret."' 

"  Well,  General,"  I  replied,"  I  have  kept  the  secret  faith- 
fully for  more  than  forty  years,  always  hoping  to  obtain  your 
own  version  of  what  struck  me  as  a  most  remarkable  incident 
in  your  military  life." 

We  then  chatted  pleasantly  about  other  incidents  of  the  War 
of  1812.  On  remarking  that  when  I  saw  him  in  September, 
1812  —  then  a  major  of  artillery — -he  was  at  once  the  tallest 
and  the  slenderest  person  I  had  ever  seen,  he  replied  :  "Yes, 
•sir  ;  you  recall  a  physical  fact  which  to  those  who  see  me  now 
must  appear  incredible;  yet  I  remember  that  in  those  days 
soldiers  drew  irreverent  comparisons  between  their  Command- 
ing officer,  and  a  ramrod  or  a  bean  pole." 

Our  passage  was  a  protracted  one  during  which  I  had  long 
and  frequent  conversations , with  General  Scott,  from  whom  I 
derived  much  valuable  information.  He  was,  though  physi- 
cally infirm,  in  full  possession  of  his  intellectual  faculties.  We 
remained  a  day  at  Havre  for  the  purpose  of  accompanying  him 
to  Paris.  Tlie  steamer  which  followed  us  from  America 
brought  the  news  of  the  taking  of  Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell, 
the  Confederate  Commissioners,  from  the  British  vessel.  This 
aroused  a  storm  of  official  and  popular  indignation  throughout 
England,  with  which  the  French  press,  if  not  the  French  Gov- 
ernment, sympathized.  The  Hon.  Mr.  Dayton  invited  Lieut. 
Gen.  Scott,  Archbishop  Hughes,  Mr.  John  Bigelow  (then  our 
Consul  at  Paris)  and  myself  to  his  house  for  consultation. 
Gen.  Scott,  then  suffering  from  a  fresh  attack  of  gout,  was 
unable  to  attend.  In  the  hope  of  allaying  the  excitement 
which  the  capture  of  Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell  had  occasioned, 
it  was  deemed  important  tliat  a  letter  from  General  Scott 
should  immediately  appear  in  the  French  and  English  jour- 
nals. We  all  knew,  however,  that  the  General,  then  suf- 
fering acute  pain,  and  his  hand  much  swollen  —  was  physi- 
cally, at  least,  incapacitated.  All  knew  how  fastidiously  care- 
ful the  General  was  of  his  literary  reputation,  and  how  diffi- 
cult it  would  be  to  induce  him  to  adopt  a  line  or  sentence  not 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  1Y6 

written  by  himself.  But  tlie  emergency  was  so  great  that  an 
effort  had  to  be  inade,  and  the  dehcate  and  difficult  duty  of 
"belling  the  cat"  was  put  upon  me.  Receiving  my  instruc- 
tions in  regard  to  the  points  to  be  presented  in  the  proposed 
letter,  I  repaired,  not  without  many  misgivings,  to  the  Hotel 
Westminster,  where  I  found  the  General  suffering  from  rheu- 
matic gout.  He  was  mucli  excited  by  the  threats  of  war,  and 
had  already  made  up  his  mind  to  return  home  in  the  steamer 
which  brought  us  to  France,  saying  that,  "  old  and  infirm  as 
he  was,  if  England  was  to  seize  her  opportunity  to  make  war 
upon  us,  he  could  not,  witli  liis  sense  of  duty  and  honor, 
remain  abroad."  He  said  that  in  the  event  of  war,  England 
would  make  the  city  of  ISTew  York  her  first  point  of  attack ; 
that,,  in  view  of  the  importance  of  protecting  our  great  com- 
mercial metropolis  in  such  an  emergency,  he  had  matured  a 
plan  of  operatio;is  insuring  its  safety ;  and  that,  if  too  infirm 
to  take  the  field,  he  could  and  would  save  the  city  of  New 
York. 

After  listening  attenti\'ely  to  my  inessage,  he  said  that  he 
concurred  in  the  importance  of  the  suggestion,  and  would 
promptly  act  upon  it,  if  it  were  not  a  physical  impossibility. 
I  replied  that,  knowing  how  severely  he  was  suffering,  nothing 
but  a  matter  which  deeply  concerned  the  welfare  of  a  country 
that  he  had  served  so  long  and  faithfully  could  have  induced 
me  to  have  preferred  sncli  a  request ;  that  on  my  way  from 
the  Legation  it  had  occurred  to  me  that  if  I  could  obtain 
from  him  in  conversation  his  views  of  the  points  to  be  sub- 
mitted, ^and  an  idea  of  the  spirit  and  temper  which  the 
subject  and  occasion  would  inspire,  they  might  be  written 
out  and  submitted  to  him  for  revisal  and  correction.  To 
this  suggestion  he  cheerfully  assented,  and  I  took  my  leave, 
promising  to  return  with  the  clraft  of  the  letter  as  soon  as 
it  could  be  prepared. 

Meantime,  in  my  absence,  Mr.  Bigelow  had  been  at  work 
diligently  preparing  a  letter  —  a  letter  which,  three  hours  after- 
ward, I  handed  to  General  Scott,  who  read  it  first  with  absorb- 
ing interest,  and  again  with  critical  attention .  After  expressing 
his  warm  approval  of  every  sentiment,  and  his  admiration  of 
its  style  and  tone,  he  attached  his  large,  bold  autograph  to  the 


1Y6  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

letter,  without  making  the  slightest  change  even  in  the  punctua- 
tion, in  regard  to  which  he  was  known  to  be  particularly  tena- 
cious and  sensitive.  I  returned  to  the  Legation,  w^liere  my 
friends  were  as  much  surprised  as  delighted  with  the  success  of 
an  enterprise  which  they  had  deemed  almost  impossible.  I 
departed  immediately  for  London,  and  on  the  following  day 
General  Scott's  letter  appeared  in  the  Times^  Neios^  Star,  and 
Telegraph.  Mr.  Bigelow  prepared  copies  for  the  leading  jour- 
nals of  Paris.  It  was  accepted  abroad  and  at  home  as  an  able 
and  well-timed  appeal  to  the  judgment,  reason  and  good  sense 
of  both  countries,  and  reflects  equal  credit  upon  the  ability  of 
Mr.  Bigelow  and  the  patriotism  of  Geii§ral  Scott. 

General  Scott  entered  the  army  of  the  United  States  as  a 
captain  of  artillery,  in  1808.  His  name  became  illustrious  as 
early  as  1814,  while  his  subsequent  carreer  in  our  Florida,  Black 
Hawk  and  Mexican  wars,  served  to  brighten  and  freshen  the 
laurels  won  in  early  life.  I  remember,  immediately  after  the 
conquest  of  Mexico,  to  have  listened,  with  several  other  gentle- 
men, at  the  Astor  House,  to  a  most  interesting  account  of  the 
various  battles  that  occurred  between  Yera  Cruz  and  Mexico, 
from  my  friend  Kendall,  editor  of  the  New  Orleans  Picayune, 
who  was  attached  to  General  Scott's  staif.  In  the  course  of 
this  narrative  he  spoke  of  General  Scott  from  two  stand-points. 
When  the  army  was  in  repose,  and  some  of  the  officers  inclined 
to  relax  their  discipline,  and  others  to  "lay  around  loose,"  Gen- 
eral Scott  w^as  as  strict  and  vigilant  as  when  preparing  for 
battle.  Officers  were  required  at  all  times  to  wear  their  uni- 
forms and  side-arms.  This  occasioned  annoyance,  and  they  not 
unfrequently  applied  the  epithet  of  "  Old  Fuss  and  Feathers  " 
to  the  Commanding  General.  But,  added  Mr.  Kendall,  on  all 
occasions  of  difficulty  and  danger  all  thoughts  and  eyes  were 
turned  toward  head-quarters.  In  preparing  for  battle,  and 
while  the  conflict  lasted,  not  only  the  orders  but  the  gestures  of 
General  Scott  were  as  anxiously  listened  to  and  observed  as 
they  were  promptly  and  cheerfully  obeyed.  In  battle,  confi- 
dence in  the  wisdom  of  their  General,  inspired  officers  and  sol- 
diers alike,  and  rendered  the  army  invincible.  Those  who 
laughed  at  him  wdiile  the  sun  was  shining,  turned  to  him  for 
safety  amid  the  thunders  and  lightning  of  battle.  When  we 
arrived  at  the  capital,  and  General  Scott  announced  his- purpose 


Aettcles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  1Y7 

to  ride  with  his  staff,  in  full  uiiifonn,  through  the  principal 
streets  of  the  city  of  the  Moutezumas,  the  generals  of  his  army, 
fearing  that  he  would  hehred  upon  by  persons  in  concealment, 
urged  him,  nnavailingly  however,  to  desist.  Mr.  Kendall 
added  that  that  ride  through  the  conquered  capital  of  Mexico, 
was  a  most  imposing  and  impressive  military  pageant ;  General 
Scott,  splendidly  mounted,  a  few  feet  in  front  of  the  staff,  with 
his  towering  person  and  tall  plume  attracting  and  reflecting 
back  the  rays  of  a  bright  sun,  being  the  "observed  of  all  ob- 
servers." 

Of  the  political  episodes  of  General  Scott's  life  I  shall  have 
occasion  to  speak  in  another  chapter.  Meantime  it  maybe 
propel-  to  say  here  that  while,  during  the  last  six  or  seven  years, 
other  friends  have  frerpiently  suggested  and  occasionally  urged 
me  to  work  up  into  a  book  the  material,  personal  and  political, 
which  durino-  a  lono-  and  somewhat  eventful  life  in  subordinate 
positions  had  been  accumulating,  I  never  even  mentally  enter- 
tained the  idea,  until  stimulated  by  the  following  letter : 

"  N  Ew  YoKK,  A2Jril  21,1865. 

"Dear  Sir.  —  I  read  a  little  faster  than  I  recovered  vision. 
Your  very  interesting  "  Letters  from  Europe  "  will  deserve  a 
place  in  every  American  library.  This  is  my  candid  judgment, 
independent  of  the  frequent  mention  in  the  book,  with  honor, 
of  my  name.  Two  paragraphs  near  the  close  of  the  book,  de- 
scribing your  iirst  entrance  into  JSTew  York,  remind  me  of 
Franklin's  entrance  into  Philadelphia,  and  excite  the  hope  that 
you  may  favor  the  world  with  a  full  autobiography,  I  cannot 
expect  to  live  long  enough  to  read  the  work,  but  you  can  give 
it  the  power  of  exciting  thousands  of  smart  boys  to  conquer 
difficulties  in  the  career  of  distinguished  usefulness. 
"  With  greatest  esteem,  yours  truly, 

"  WiNFiELD  Scott. 

"  Thurlow  Weed." 

23 


178  Selections  ekom  the  ISTewspapek 

THE  LATE'  SIE  HENKY  HOLLAND. 

A.  D.  1873. 


HIS  PLANS  FOR  A  JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA HIS  SYMPATHY  WITH  THE 

UNION    DURING    THE    WAR    OF    THE    REBELLION  —  A  TRIBUTE    BY 
THURLOW    WEED. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  ]^.  Y.  Trihune : 

Sir  :  The  deatli  of  this  emiiieiit  London  physician  occurred 
soon  after  his  return  from  Russia  and  Italy..  His  ilhiess  must 
have  been  a  brief  one.  He  started,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  fol- 
lowing letter,  upon  his  annual  summer  tour  in  good  health  and 
spirits : 

ISTo.  72  Brook  St.,  London,  July  17,  1873. 

My  Dear  Friend  :  I  cannot  feel  satisfied  to  leave  London 
for  my  annual  voyage  without  exchanging  a  few  lines  of  friend- 
ship with  yon  —  asking  yon  to  tell  me  of  yourself,  of  yonr 
daughter  and  all  in  whom  yon  are  interested.  The  accounts  I 
have  received  of  yon  have  been  good,  and  therefore  welcome 
to  me.  But  they  have  been  only  general  reports,  and  I  shall 
be  glad  to  have  them  confirmed  from  yourself. 

I  do  not  seek  to  make  this  a  letter  of  ncM^s.  The  news- 
papers furnish  you  with  all  such  information,  political  and 
social.  All  that  I  need  say  for  the  moment  isj  that  w^  have 
just  gone  through  a  course  of  multitudinous  and  splendid 
entertainments  to  this  Persian  sovereign.  He  has  excited  here 
an  amount  of  interest  far  beyond  what  is  due  either  to  personal 
merits  or  political  importance.  But  the  old  name  of  Persia 
brought  up  again,  in  the  person  of  an  Oi'iental  prince,  moved 
the  mind  of  the  multitude,  ignorant  of  the  many  dynasties 
which  have  ruled  and  oppressed  the  country  since  the  days  of 
its  ancient  sovereigns,  and  of  the  miserable  and  barren  rem- 
nant which  modern  Persia  forms  of  the  ancient  Persian  Em- 
pire. I  have  been  present  at  several  of  the  fetes  given  to  him, 
and  am  fully  sated  with  the  sight. 

To  say  a  word  about  myself.  My  plan  for  the  autumn  is  to 
go  by  St.  Petersburg  and  Moscow  to  Nijni-lSrovgorod  (at  the 
time  of  the  great  fair  there),  and  then  returning  to  England  to 
take  my  second  son  (your  friend)  with  me  to  Pome  and  JN^aples, 
which  he  has  not  yet  visited.  I  have  been  pressed  much  to 
visit  the  United  States  once  more,  but  this  I  fear  I  must  decline, 
though  if  my  strength  were  maintained   I   should  be  sorely 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  179 

tempted  to  make  a  dasli  at  the  Yellowstone  river,  "wlien  tlie 
communication  with  it  is  fairly  opened.  To  talk  even  of  these 
things  at  85  is,  however,  a  piece  of  unwarrantable  rashness. 
"*■ — -Pi-aj'gtve'mj  affectionate  remembrances  to  Miss  Weed,  and 
send  me  a  good  account  of  her  health.  And  say  something 
for  me  also  to  mj  young  friend  at  Albany,  now  grown  into  a 
full  lady.     Farewell,  my  dear  Mr.  Weed. 

Yours  affectionately, 

H.  Holland. 

I  do  not  leave  London  until  the  first  of  August,  so  that  I 
may  perchance  hear  from  you  or  Miss  Weed  before  my  depart- 
ure. I  must  not  forget  to  say  that  I  received  your  interesting 
paper^on  the  Junius  question. 

If  you  see  my  excellent  friend  Evarts,  pray  tell  him  of  my 
earnest  wish  to  hear  from  him,  if  at  any  time  amidst  his  mul- 
titudinous business  he  can  spare  time  for  a  few  lines. 

To  one  who  has  fpr  many  years  not  only  been  privileged  to 
enjoy  the  society,  but  has  profited  largely  by  the  professional 
experience  and  wisdom  of  Sir  Henry  Holland,  this  sudden 
bereavement  falls  heavily.  Presumptuous  as  it  was  when 
both  had  so  nearly  reached  the  end  of  the  journey  of  life,  I 
looked  fondly  forward  to  future  communion  with  this  cher- 
ished friend.  It  had  been  arranged  that  we  should  visit  Cali- 
foriiia  together  in  1872,  but  circumstances  Mdiich  he  could  not 
control  disappointed  that  expectation.  It  will  be  seen,  how- 
ever, from  his  letter,  that  notwithstanding  his  advanced  age, 
the  project  was  not  abandoned.  Recent  discoveries  on  the 
Yellowstone  river  had  attracted  his  attention  and  strengthened 
his  desire  to  see  the  only  portion  of  the  United  States  he  had 
not  visited. 

During  the  rebellion  Sir  Henry  was  among  the  compara- 
tively few  distinguished  Englishmen  who  not  only  sympa- 
thized with  the  North,  but  who  rendered  good  services  to  our 
"government.  Of  these  services  I  hope  to  speak  at  another 
time.  But  for  the  high  sense  he  entertained  of  the  obliga- 
tions of  professional  reticence,  I  should  have  long  since  been 
permitted  to  reveal  a  conversation  between  the  Queen  and  her 
physician  that  would  have  occasioned  grateful  and  enduring 
regard  for  Her  Majesty  in  the  hearts  of  all  patriotic  Ameri- 
cans.    On  at  least  two  occasions  when  the  danger  of  becoming 


180  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

involved  in  more  tha;i  one  war  was  imminent,  the  interposition 
of  the  Queen  of  England  was  timely,  enlightened  and  effect- 
ive. One  seal  of  eoniidence  has  been  providentially  broken, 
and  I  hope  ere  long  to  find  mj^self  at  liberty  to  make  a  full 
disclosure  of  facts  which  will  prove  that  while  the  masses 
of  the  English  people,  including  the  humbler  as  well  as  the 
higher  classes,  sympathized  with  the  rebellion,  the  Queen  was 
from  the  beginning  to  its  conclusion  our  steadfast  friend. 

In  this  connection,  with  the  keen  remembrance  of  those 
dark  days  in  London,  the  subject  never  recm-s  without  excit 
ing  a  strong  desire  to  recognize  With  thankfulness  services 
rendered  our  government  and  Union  by  the  Duke  of  Argyle, 
Milner  Gibson,  Monckton  Milnes  (now  Lord  Hougliton),  Mr. 
Cobden,  John  Bright,  Sir  J.  Emerson  Tennant,  the  Rev.  ISTew- 
man  Hall,  the  Rev.  William  Arthur,  the  Earl  of  Shaftsbury, 
Sir  Roundell  Palmer,  Messrs.  Forster,  Kinnaird,  Torrens, 
Stansfield,  Bazley,  Baxter,  Potter,  White,  Smith,  and  others 
in  and  out  of  Parliament.  '  T.  W. 

New  York,  Nov&nxber  8,  18T3. 


PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGN. 

A.  D.   1872. 


"  HISTORY    REPEATING-   ITSELF. 

During  our  war  with  England,  in  1812,  the  Federal  party,  in 
its  organization,  was  disloyal.  The  sympathies  of  zealous  Fed- 
eral leaders  were  against  tlieir  country.^  "  It  was  unbecoming 
a  moral  and  religious  people,"  they  said,  "  to  rejoice  at  victories 
obtained  over  our  mother  country."  In  New  England  they 
went  so  far  in  1814  as  to  call  a  convention  at  Hartford, 
designed,  like  those  of  the  Secessionists  in  1861,  to  divide  the 
Union.  So  strong  was  the  feeling,  that  the  spirits  of  Fede- 
ralists would  rise  or  fall  in  accordance  with  the  tenor  of  the 
war  news  brought  by  the  mails.  But  the  Republican  party' 
then,  as  in  1861,  true  to  the  government  and  the  Union,  car- 
ried us  through  the  war  triumphantly. 


Akticles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  181 

But  the  record  and  cbaracter  of  tlie  Federal  pavty  were  irre- 
trievably damaged  and  demoralized.  Although  boasting  of 
Washington,  Adams,  Jay,  Hamilton,  Rnfus  King,  etc.,  as 
leaders,  so  deep  was  the  feeling  of  the  people  against  the  Hart- 
ford convention  that  the  once  proud  and  indomitable  Federal 
party  was  unable  to  rally.  Its  leaders  in  this  State,  known  as 
the  "  forty-two  high-minded  gentlemen,"  went  over  in  a  pub- 
lished manifesto  to  the  "  Bucktails  "  (Tammany  Hall)  section 
of  the  Democratic  party.  So  strong,  however,  was  the  popular 
prejtiSice  against  their  Federal  allies,  that  the  "  Bucktails," 
losing  more  than  they  gained  by  the  coalition,  were  defeated, 
and  UeWitt  Clinton  elected  Governor.  Thus  perished  the  old 
Federal  party  —  the  party  which  justly  boasted  of  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  talent  and  wealth  of  the  country. 

What  occurred  in  1814  is  occurring  in  18Y2.  When  the 
rebellion  broke  out,  the  Democracy  of  this  State,  in  its  organ- 
ization, was  disloyal.  The  Democratic  State  Convention,  at 
Tweddle  Hall,  Jii  Albany,  was  kindred  in  character  to  the  con- 
■veiTEibn  which  met  at  Hartford  in  1814.  There  were  exceptions 
in  1861,  as  there  were  in  1812.  Happily  for  our  country.  Cap- 
tains Hall,  Decatur,  and  other  naval  heroes,  though  Federalists, 
stood  by  their  flag.  In  like  manner  Dean  Richmond,  General 
Dix,  Judge  Allen,  Floyd  Jones,  and  other  "  war  Democrats," 
by  their  loyalty  and  patriotism,  contributed  largely  to  the  pre- 
servation of  the  government  and  the  Union  in  1861.  As  a  rule, 
however,  the  sympathies  of  the  Democracy  were  with  the  rebels. 
In  every  county,  city,  and  village  were  large  numbers  of  active 
Democrats,  well  known  and  justly  stigmatized  as  "  Copper- 
heads." In  their  National  Conventions  the  Democracy  refused 
to  adopt  loyal  platforms,  and  rejected  "war  Democrats"  as 
nominees  for  President.  \ 

And  now,  after  twelve  years  of  chastisement  and  adversity, 
when  the  Republican  party  is  divided,  and  when  it  was  sup- 
posed that  the  Democracy  would  take  the  field,  united,  zealous, 
and  confident  of  success,  what  is  its  real  condition  ?  In  this 
State  the  Tammany  leaders,  in  imitation  of  the  Federal  leaders 
in  1814,  have  formed  a  coalition  with  disaffected  Republicans, 
and  are  supporting  for  President  a  man  who  has  not  only  been 
zealously  hostile  to  all  Democratic  principles  and  measures  for 
thirty -five  years,  but  who  during  that  time  has  denounced  these 


182  Selections  from  the  Kewspapeb 

very  individuals  personally  as  "  rascals,"  "  liai-s,"  "  copper- 
lieads,"  etc.,  etc.  Indeed,  those  wlio  have  been  peculiarly  the 
subjects  of  his  denunciation  are  now  his  most  zealous  advocates. 
The  recent  Democratic  State  Convention  at  Rochester, 
manipulated  by  the  Tammany  Ring,  though  not  openly  in 
favor  of  Greeley,  instructed  the  delegates  to  vote  as  a  "  unit  in 
the  Baltimore  Convention,"  and  as  the  majority  are  known  to 
be  in  favor  of  the  "  High  Tariff,'^  "  Abolition,"  "Maine  Law," 
and  "  Secession "  nominee  of  the  Cincinnati  Convention,  the 
"unit  resolution"  was  intended  to  stifle  the  voice  of  the 
minority. 

We  find,  however,  the  Democracy  of  the  State  of  New  York 
—  or  rather  what  there  is  left  of  the  once  great  Democratic 
party  of  New  York  —  occupying  the  same  inglorious  posi- 
tion that  dishonored  the  Federal  party  in  1814.  It  is  well  for 
the  saplings  and  hoop-poles  of  Democracy  that  William  L. 
Marcy,  Silas  Wright,  Stephen  Allen,  Dean  Richmond  and 
other  patriotic  fathers  are  noOiere  to  witness  the  degeneracy  of 
their  sons.  If  any  thing  of  the  history,  the  principles,  the 
usages,  or  the  traditions  of  the  Democratic  party,  in  its  better 
days,  remained,  the  present  managers,  recreant  and  shameless 
as  is  their  apostacy,  would  not  dare  to  look  the  old  sachems  of 
their  party  in  the  face. 

The  only  question  that  remains,  therefore,  to  be  answered, 
is  wdiether  the  demoralization  which  has  so  thoroughly  debased 
the  Democracy  of  this  State,  extends  throughout  the  Union  ? 
The  ultra  rebel  element  of  the  Democratic  Convention  will  be 
united  for  Greeley.  This  renders  the  indorsement  of  a  fellow- 
secessionist  quite  probable,  aided  as  it  will  be  by  the  men  from 
New  York  who  have  robbed  the  city  of  untold  millions  of  dol- 
lars. Against  such  influences  Mr.  Yoorhees  and  other  con- 
sistent Democrats,  who  desire  to  serve  their  part}^,  will  find 
up-hill  work.  We  must  wait,  therefore,  for  a  solution  of  this 
question.  The  results  of  the  Baltimore  Convention  will  show 
whether  the  Democracy  of  other  States  is  affected  by  the 
political  malaria  which  poisons  the  atmosphere  of  New  York. 

Parties,  like  nations,  have  their  origin,  rise,  and  fall.  If  the 
sun  is  now  about  to  set  for  the  last  time  upon  the  Democratic- 
party,  as  it  did  more  than  half  a  century  ago  iipon  the  Federal 


Akticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  183 

party,  it  will  owe  its  fate  to  tlie  disloyalty  of  its  leaders  during 
a  war  wliicli  tlireatened  the  overthrow  of  our  government. 

There  is  a  moral  in  this  lesson.  It  teaches  that  parties 
and  partisans,  however  widely  dilfering  upon  questions  and 
measures  of  policy  and  administration,  must  be  true  to 
their  country  when  its  institutions  are  imperiled.  Lack  of 
loyalty  in  seasons  of  war  is  the  one  unpardonable  political  sin. 
This  point  was  made  clear  and  strong  at  a  Fom-th  of  July  din- 
ner given  at  Philadelphia  during  the  war  of  1812,  where  a 
distinguished  Federalist  gave  as  a  toast :  "  Our  country,  in  her 
differences  with  other  nations,  may  she  always  be  rightP 
Commodore  Decatur  instantly  rose  and  gave  the  following : 
"  Our  country  right  or  ivroivj  !  " 

And  yet  we  cannot  contemplate  the  approaching  dissolution 
of  a  party  against  which,  as  journalists,  we  have  been  arrayed 
for  nearly  half  a  century,  without  a  feeling  of  sadness.  In 
that  party,  with  such  men  as  Jefferson,  Madison,  Tompkins, 
Marcy,  etc.,  etc.,  as  its  standard-bearers,  Whigs  encountered  a 
"  foe  worthy  of  their  steel."  Widely  as  we  differed  with  the 
old  Albany  Eegency  upon  questions  of  State  policy,  we  always 
recognized  their  administrative  ability  and  their  official  integ- 
rity. The  great  test  of  time  and  truth  proved  that  during  the 
many  years  of  sharp  antagonism  the  Whig  and  Democratic 
parties,  by  different  and  diverging  paths,  were  guided  by  a 
common  purpose  —  that  purpose  being  the  welfare  of  the  State, 
and  the  prosperity  of  the  people.  With  the  surviving  mem- 
bers, indeed,  of  that  remarkable  political  association.  Major 
Azariah  C.  Flagg,  General  John  A.  Dix,  Grovernor  E.  T. 
Throop,  and  Mr.  Thomas  W.  Olcott,  we  are  in  political  as  well 
as  social  accord.  May  we  not,  then,  justly  and  truthfully  say 
that  we  contemplate  an  ignominious  collapse  of  the  once 
enlightened,  powerful,  and  patriotic  Democratic  party  with 
real  sorrow  ? 


184  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 
A.  D.  1873. 


VIEWS    ON    PUBLIC  AFFAIRS. 

OLD  NEWSPAPERS EARLY  STATESMANSHIP NATIONAL    DEBT 

SPECIE    PAYMENTS HOMESTEAD    LAW VIROINIUS     QUESTION 

SIR  L.    LORRAINE COMMUNISTS  Ai^  COOPER  INSTITUTE SUGGES- 
TIONS TO  WEALTHY  CITIZENS,  ETC. 

To  the  Editor  of  The  N.  Y.  Tribune  : 

Sir  :  A  writer  in  The  Albany  Evening  Times  makes  two 
or  three  corrections  of  the  newspaper  reminiscences  which  you 
so  kindly  pubhshed  a  few  days  since.  Francis  Adincourt,  of 
Troy,  published  The  Farmers'  Register^  and  not  the  Northern 
Budget^  as  I  supposed.  I  remember  the  establishment  of  The 
Albany  Republican,  by  Samuel  R.  Brown,  though  in  writing 
from  memory  it  escaped  me.  The  Republican  must  have  been 
short-lived,  for  in  1814  Mr.  Brown  was  publishing  a  paper  at 
Auburn.  I  worked  in  his  office  as  a  journeyman  from  the  1st 
of  December,  1813,  until  early  in  February,  1814,  when  I  left 
Auburn  to  make  a  pedestrian  journey  to  Cooperstown.  It  is 
true,  as  the  Albany  writer  remarks,  that  Jonathan  Bunce  was 
publishing  a  paper  at  Peterboro',  Madison  county,  early  in  the 
year  1812,  but  its  publication  ceased  before  the  end  of  the  year. 

The  paper  then  published  at  Batavia  by  Mr.  Blodget  was 
The  Cornucopia,  and  that  published  in  Onondaga  Yalley  by 
Ml".  Redfield  was  The  Register,  and  not  The  Gazette,  as  I 
erroneously  supposed.  I  cannot  remeinj^er  that  Mr.  Alden 
Spooner  commenced  the  publication  of  The  Star  in  Brooklyn, 
as  early  as  1810,  although  I  knew  him  as  successor  to  Mr.  Holt 
in  The  New  Yorh  Columbian,  and  afterward  as  editor  of  The 
JBrooMyn  Star. 

Mr.  John  Bigelow  furnishes  The  Newburgh  Journal  with 
the  copy  of  an  interesting  letter  from  the  late  Mr.  Flagg,  giv- 
ing his  early  typographical  experience,  together  with  a  very 
beautiful  tribute  to  the  services  and  character  of  the  deceased 
statesman.     I  learn  by  a  letter  from  Judge  Allen  of  the  Court 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  185 

of  Appeals  that  Mr.  Recliield  is  not  the  only  surviving  mem- 
ber of  the  Senate  of  1824.  The  Hon.  Alvin  Bronson  of 
Oswego,  now  nearly  90  years  of  age,  is  living  and  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  reasonably  good  health.  Mr.  Bronson  was  not  only 
an  upright  but  a  useful  Senator.  As  a  merchant  his  thoughts 
had  been  a  good  deal  occupied  with  the  subject  of  finance,  and 
his  experience  and  practical  views  enabled  him  to  render  good 
service  to  the  people  of  the  State.  Much  important  legislation 
upon  financial  questions  emanated  from  the  Committee  in  the 
Senate;  of  which  he  was  Chairman.  It  would  be  well  for  our 
State  if  we  had  many  such  men  as  Alvin  Bronson  in  its  legisla- 
tive halls. 

I  am  aware  of  the  propensity,  or  as  some  say,  of  the  privilege 
of  old  men,  to  declaim  against  modern  wrongs  and  abuses.  I 
ought  also  to  be  aware  of  the  slight  regard  paid  to  such  croak- 
ings.  Yet  I  cannot-  reason  or  persuade  myself  out  of  the 
conviction  that  changes  in  reference  to  public  affairs  have  not 
been  in  the  right  direction.  The  class  of  public  men  by  which 
our  Government  and  institutions  were  inaugurated,  and  those 
who  for  the  thirty  or  forty  years  immediatel}^  succeeding  occu- 
pied the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  departments  of  the 
Government,  gave  their  thoughts  and  their  time  to  the  enact- 
ment and  execution  of  laws  calculated  to  promote  the  general 
welfare.  Those  men  have  passed  away.  And  where  are  their 
successors  ?  Where  are  we  to  look  now  for  the  wisdom  which 
inspired  and  guided  Congress  in  the  earlier  and  better  days  of 
the  Republic  ?  To  say  nothing  of  the  more  distinguished  men 
whose  names  are  familiar  to  every  household,  where  shall  we 
look  for  successors  to  John  Sargent  of  Pennsylvania,  Elisha 
Whittlesey  and  Samuel  F.  Yinton,  of  Ohio,  Truman  Smith  of 
Connecticut,  John  Davis  of  Massachusetts,  Gulian  C.  Yer- 
planck  and  Yictory  Birdseye  of  New  York?  Without  impeach- 
ment of  the  motives  or  intentions  of  the  leading  Representatives 
in  Congress  at  the  close  of  the  Rebellion,  I  confidently  assume 
that  they  signally  failed  to  render  the  service  which  the 
emergency  demanded.  I  will  content  m)'self  with  referring  to 
the  failure  to  consolidate  the  National  Debt,  and  to  reduce  the 
rate  of  interest  from  six  to  five  percent.  This,  had  the  question 
been  wisely  matured  and  the  proper  time  and  circumstances 
been  considered,  might  and  would  have  been  accomplished,  thus 
24 


186  Sklections  feom  the  Newspaper 

relieving  the  Government  and  people  from  one^sixth  part  of 
their  annual  burden. 

The  Government  once  enjoyed  in  its  public  domain  a  source 
of  enduring  and  inexhanstible  wealth.  Under  the  enlightened 
policy  of  the  early  administrations,  the  debts,  both  of  the 
Revolution  and  of  the  War  of  1812,  were  not  only  paid  from 
the  proceeds  of  that  domain',  but  in  1836  the  surplus  accu- 
mulated was  so  large  as  to  cause  much  solicitude  in  Congress 
and  among  the  people.  There  was  danger,  it  was  said,  to  the 
Government  from  an  overflowing  treasur3^  The  temptation  to 
corruption  was  too  great.  That  surplus  was  finally  divided  pro 
rata  among  the  States,  and  to  avert  what  was  considered  so 
financially  dangerous,  modern  wisdom  invented  schemes  by 
means  of  which  the  public  domain  has  been  scjuandered  or 
rendered  valueless.  The  Homestead  law,  a  popular  delusion, 
has  utterly  disappointed  the  expectations  of  its  advocates. 
Those  to  whom  farms  were  given,  decline  or  neglect  to  accept 
them.  Of  the  hundreds  of  thousands  expected  to  seek  homes 
in  the  West,  few  indeed  have  wended  their  way  thither,  while 
most  of  those  who  have  gone  would  have  valued  their  lands  more 
highly  if  they  had  paid  the  Government  price  for  them. 
Speculators,  therefore,  rather  than  actual  settlers,  have  profited 
by  the  Homestead  law.  Grants  of  lands  to  encourage  the  con- 
struction of  railways  (a  wise  policy,  properly  restricted,  adher- 
ing in  all  cases  to  reservation  of  alternate  sections)  have  become 
a  great  abuse.  Land  grants,  instead  of  being  concessions  to 
develop  the  resources  of  the  West,  and  promote  the  welfare  of 
its  inhabitants,  have  been  sought  and  obtained  by  adventurers. 
These  grants  are  now  best  known  and  best  described  as  "  land 
grabs."  The  result  of  modern  legislation,  therefore,  is  found 
in  the  scpiandering  of  a  domain  which,  properly  cared  for, 
would  have  paid  the  annual  interest,  and  ultimately  paid  the 
debt  incurred  in  consequence  of  the  attempt  to  overthrow  our 
Government  and  divide  the  Union. 

I  am  rejoiced  that  a  movement  has  been  made  in  Congress 
in  favor  of  the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  There  is  neither 
pretext  nor  excuse  for  any  longer  neglecting  this  great  duty. 
With  all  the  contrivances  to  aggravate  the  premium  on  gold, 
that  premium  has  scarcely  risen,  for  some  time,  above  10  per 
cent ;  and  but  for  New  York  bankers  and  brokers  the  rate  of 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  187 

gold  usance  could  not  have  been  kept  up  even  to  that  point. 
An  old  man  who  remembers  how  joyfully  gold  and  silver  were 
greeted  when  they  took  the  place  of  "  shin  plasters"  after  tlie 
war  of  1812,  may  now  reasonably  hope  to  witness  another 
"  golden  era." 

I  am  constrained  to  question  both  the  wisdom  and  the 
patriotism  of  a  movement  in  Congress  wliicli  threatens  an 
aggravation  of  the  JSTational  Debt.  I  can  see  nothing  in  the 
aspect  of  affairs  to  require  or  excuse  such  a  remedy  for  an 
incidental  loss  of  revenue  and  consequent  need  of  money.  The 
people,  heavily  as  they  have  been  burdened,  I  am  quite  sure, 
wo'ild  now  prefer  a  slight  increase  of  taxes  to  any  increase  of 
debt.  And  there  are  modes  of  taxation,  should  Congress  be 
wise  enough  to  discern  them,  that  are  neither  onerous  nor 
obnoxious.  Tlie  repeal  of  the  duties  on  tea  and  coffee  signally 
failed  to  realize  popuhir  expectations.  Consumers  did  not  find 
corresponding  reduction  of  prices.  I  confidently  believe  that 
the  imposition  of  a  duty  amounting  to  one-half  of  that  recently 
paid  on  these  articles,  an  increased  duty  upon  spirits,  together 
with  a  modified  stamp  tax,  would  be  cheerfully  accepted  by  tlie 
country  as  preferable  to  the  proposed  increase  of  debt. 

We  may  now  regard  the  Virginius  question  as  virtually  set 
tied,  and  in  a  manner  which  reflects  high  credit  on  both  gov- 
ernments. Our  just  demands  were  met  in  a  spirit  which  has 
not  always  characterized  kindred  negotiations.  Indeed,  few 
governments  would  have  responded  as  promptly,  frankly  and 
honorably  as  that  of  the  Spanish  Republic.  Probably  the 
course  of  that  government  was  rendered  easier  by  the  wisdom 
of  our  own  in  establishing  a  sound  precedent  in  its  adjustment 
of  the  "Trent"  difficulty.  There  is  another  noticeable  inci- 
dent in  this  case.  While  in  the  hurried  and  indiscriminate  exe- 
cution of  so  many  of  the  officers,  passengers  and  crew  of  the 
Virginius,  a  great,  if  not  unprecedented  outrage  upon  human- 
ity was  perpetrated,  the  American  people,  press  and  Congress 
took  council  of  their  judgment  rather  than  their  feeling.  On 
no  question  of  this  nature  have  the  provocations  for  popular 
excitement  been  so  great.  And  yet  on  no  such  occasion  have 
our  people  been  so  calm.     Equal  honor  is  due  to  the  enlight- 


188  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

ened  firmness  of  our  government  and  the  just  and  conciliatory 
action  and  spirit  of  Spain. 

If  it  be  trne,  as  is  positively  afiirmed,  tliat  Sir  L.  Lorraine, 
in  command  of  Her  Majesty's  ship  Niobe,  by  his  prompt  and 
generous  interposition,  preserved  tlie  lives  of  the  remaining 
Virginius  prisoners,  he  has  won,  and  I  hope  will  receive,  in 
some  marked  manner,  the  approbation  of  our  people  and  gov- 
ernment. 

There  is  a  significance  in  the  proceedings  at  Gooper  Institute 
on  Friday  evening,  which  slionld  not  be  lost  upon  considerate 
and  refiecting  minds.  There  is  no  element  among  us  so  preg- 
nant with  mischief  and  evil  as  the  doctrines  taught  by  "  Inter- 
nationals "  or  "  Commnnists."  That  spirit  crops  out  in  the 
proceedings  of  those  who  call  themselves  "  Workingmen,"  a 
class  that  labor  most  diligently  and  insidiously  to  obtain  the 
largest'  amount  of  money  for  the  smallest  pretense  of  work. 
Unhappily  the  Legislature  was  induced  to  pass  an  "  Eight- 
Hour  Law,"  which  not  only  lends  the  sanction  of  authority  to 
idlers,  but  affords  them  abundant  leisure  to  extend  their  per- 
nicions  organizations.  Among  the  most  injurious  effects  of 
'  trades-unions  "  is  the  restriction  imposed  upon  master  mechan- 
ics in  regard  to  apprentices.  Thousands  of  boys  who  formerly 
learned  trades  by  Ineans  of  which  they  became  useful  citizens, 
are  now  denied  that  privilege  by  the  despotism  of  "  unions."  — 
a  power  unknown  to  our  government  and  hostile  to  its  princi- 
ples. In  a"few~years,"if  this  alarming  evil  is  not  reformed,  we 
"  shall  have  no  American  artisans  or  mechanics.  I  earnestly 
hope,  therefore,  that  there  will  be  wisdom'^and  firmness  enough 
in  the  next  Legislature  to  repeal  the  "  Eight  Hour  Law,"  and 
to  declare  illegal  all  combinations  to  limit,  restrictjIFestrain  or 
embarrass  master  mechanics  from  receiving  as  many  appren- 
tices as  may  be  required  for  the  successful  carrying  forward  of 
the  various  industries  of  our  country. 

A  winter  approaches  under  circumstances  and  with  aspects 
which  occasion  unusual  solicitude.  Its  accustomed  severities 
threaten  to  be  aggravated  by  the  destitution  and  distress  among 
the  laboring  classes  occasioned  by  financial  revulsion  and  con- 
sequent want  of  occupation.  Thousands  of  industrious  and 
reputable   citizens,  with  dependent  families,  may  become  as 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  189 

impecunious  as  other  and  ever-present  thousands  of  idle  and 
vicious  habits  and  propensities.  The  subject,  therefore,  claims 
the  serious  attention  of  our  best  heads  and  warmest  hearts.  It 
is  not  a  question  merely  of  dutj,  of  sympathy,  or  of  interest, 
but  one  of  safety.  It  is  —  and  I  hope  that  those  for  whom 
this  remark  is  intended  will  comprehend  its  full  import 
—  a  question  which  concerns  the  rich  far  more  deeply  than  it 
concerns  the  poor.  Let  us  hope,  therefore,  that  it  will  attract 
earnest  and  seasonable  attention.  Philanthropic  gentlemen, 
already  engaged  in  the  inauguration  of  a  plan  for  the  relief  of 
those  who  may  need  it,  cannot  overestimate  the  vital  import- 
ance of  their  deliberations,  nor  magnify  the  disastrous  conse- 
quences of  a  taihire  to  foresee  and  provide  foi*  the  emergency. 
It  is  in  the  power  of  the  wealthy  classes,  by  tlie  exercise  of 
an  enlightened' liberality,  not  only  to  relieve  the  wants  of  the 
unemployed  and  destitute,  Ijut  to  avert  evils  which  need  not  be 
described.  By  extending  relief  and  protection  to  those  who 
suifer  because  "  the  times  are  out  of  joint,"  we  shall  separate 
them  from  the  dissolute  and  desperate,  who,  abiding  their 
hour,  take  advantage  of  occasions  of  public  calamity  to  beguile 
those 

I  "  So  weary  with  disasters,  tugged  with  fortune,  ^ 

\  That  thej  would  set  their  life  on  any  chance  ^^^^ 

\\  To  mend  it,  or  be  rid  ou't." 

These  suggestions  appeal  alike  to  the  possessors  of  enormous 
wealth  and  to  those  who  enjoy  a  competency  (the  intermediate 
classes  included).  If  those  of  us  who  have  been  fortunate  and 
provident  fail,  in  view  of  existing  financial  disasters,  to  avail 
ourselves  of  the  protection  which  common  sense  and  connnon 
prudence  cannot  fail  to  discern,  the  lesson  not  unfrequently 
taught  that  wealth  draws  its  purse  strings  too  tightly,  may  be 
learned  too  late.  T.  W. 

ISTew  York,  Becemler  13,.  1873. 


190  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

THE  FINANCIAL  CRISIS. 
A.  D.  1873. 

[From  the  New  York  Daily  Tribune,  September  23, 1873.] 


Among  the  notable  persons  seen  in  Wall  street  on  Saturday 
was  the  venerable  Thnrlow  Weed,  who  soon,  .fonnd,  however, 
as  he  says,  that  the  excitement  was  too  mucli  for  him  in  his 
present  feeble  state  of  health,  and  he  was  forced  to  retire  to  his 
home  in  Twelfth  street.  Thinking  the  views  of  siich'a  veteran 
observer  might  be  of  interest  to  the  public,  a  Tribune  reporter 
called  at  his  house  last  evening,  and  found  him  suffering  from 
his  old  complaint  of  dizziness,  or  "  mental  nervousness,"  as  he 
called  it,  with  which  he  said  he  had  been  afflicted  since  he 
broke  down  in  health  five  years  ago.  In  answer  to  a  question 
as  to  what  he  thought  of  -the  financial  crisis,  he  said  that  the 
end  of  it  was  not  sufiiciently  clear  yet  to  enable  him  or  any 
one  else  to  express  his  views  satisfactorily  about  it.  There  was 
no  telling  what  to-morrow  and  the  next  day  would  develop. 

Q.  You  do  not  apprehend  that  it  will  extend  to  the  commer- 
cial and  business  world,  do  you  ?  A.  Well,  I  hope  not ;  it 
ought  not  to ;  the  commerce  and  business  of  the  city  are  in  a 
prosperous  and  healthy  condition  ;  if  the  crash  does  not  result 
in  a  general  suspension  of  the  banks,  it  ought  not  to  have  a 
serious  effect  upon  legitimats  business.  But  if  it  should  turn 
out  in  the  next  two  days  that  the  banks,  like  the  brokers,  are 
loaded  down  with  de.id  securities,  it  may  end  in  a  general  sus- 
pension. Yiewing  this  crisis  in  its  most  remote  aspects,  we  are 
simply  paying  one  of  the  penalties  of  our  great  war.  All  great 
wars  are  followed  by  great  penalties.  Most,  and  I  may  say  all, 
wars  hitherto,  have  been  followed  by  great  depression  and  dis- 
tress to  the  financial  and  business  interests  of  the  country  that 
has  carried  them  on  ;  but  our  war  seems  to  have  had,  for  the 
time  being,  a  different  effect.  One  reason  of  this  is  that  we 
spent  money  more  lavishly  during  the  war  than  any  other 
nation  ever  did.  No  nation  ever  before  paid  its  soldiers  $14 
per  month,  or  spent  any  thing  like  the  same  amount  of  money 


x\eticles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  191 

that  we  did  in  the  same  time.  This  immense  amonnt  of 
money  thrown  into  circnhition  gave  rise  to  reckless  specuhition 
on  all  sides ;  it  eno-endered  habits  of  extravao-anee  and  a  o-ene- 
ral  desire  among  all  classes  to  get  rich  suddenly  and  without 
work.  But  among  its  worst  effects  was  a  general  demoraliza- 
tion of  the  country,  affecting  public  men  and  business  men 
alike."  ''  Rings  "  were  formed  everywhere  to  make  money  and  to 
rob  the  public.  Everybody  knows  how  they  robbed  this  city, 
and  they  I'obbed  the  State,  too,  and  would  be  robbing  it  now  if 
we  had  not  been  fortunate  enough  last  Fall  to  elect  an  honest 
Government.  Tlie  present  iinancial  crisis  in  Wall  street  is 
attributable  immediately  to  two  causes  :  First,  to  a  few  large 
capitalists  and  money-lenders  who  have  tied  up  large  sums  of 
money  in  order  that  they  might  force  usurious  interest.  The 
banks  have  lent  themselves — infamously  lent  themselves  — 
to  the  purposes  of  these  men.  The  second  cause  is  the  action 
of  gold  speculators  ;  men  who  have  resorted  to  all  sorts  of 
schemes  to  raise  the  premium  on  gold  ;  and  they,  too,  have 
received  aid  from  the  banks.  Every  interest  of  this  country, 
in  my  opinion,  demands  a  speedy  resumption  of  specie  pay- 
ments ;  but  this  is  greatly  embai'rassed  by  the  operations  of  the 
gold  gamblers,  and  it  is  also  hindered  to  a  considerable  extent 
by  the  large  numbers  of  Americans  who  for  the  last  two  or 
three  years  have  gone  abroad  and  spent  their  monej^  in  Europe. 
This  was  so  much  gold  lost  to  the  country,  and  the  amount  is 
much  larger  than  is  generally  supposed.  But  what  is  needed 
above  all  things  is  to  put  a  stop  to  the  combinations  of  those 
men  who  withdraw  from  circulation  the  money  that  is  needed 
in  order  that  they  may  force  a  usurious  interest  of  one  or  one 
and  a  half  per  cent  a  day.  They  should  be  sent  to  the  State 
Prison  wherever  they  can  be  found,  together  with  the  bank 
officers  who  aid  them. 

Q.  You  do  not  believe  in  the  repeal  of  the  usury  laws,  I 
take  it  ?  A.  No  ;  they  should  be  made  ten  times  stronger  and 
more  effective. 

Q.  Do  you  think  the  Union  Trust  Company  will  resume 
payment  to-morrow  ?     A.  I  hardly  think  it  will. 

Q.  Is  the  report  true  that  Mr.  Wesley  has  been  appointed 
receiver  ?     A.  ISTo  ;  a  receiver  has  not  been  appointed  yet.     I 


192  Selections  from  the  Newspapek 

have  nothing  to  do  with  the  direction  of  the  Company.  I  am 
only  a  stockhokler.  The  officers  of  the  Company  are  greatly 
to  blame  for  the  way  things  have  been  managed  there.  The 
President  has  been  off:  in  Europe  for  the  last  four  months, 
instead  of  staying  at  home  attending  to  his  business,  and  the 
whole  management  of  the  institution  appears  to  have  been  left 
in  the  hands  of  Carlton,  the  Secretary,  who  is  a  mere  boy.  He 
is  amiable  and  pleasant  enough,  but  merely  a  weak  boy.  And 
yet  he  appears  to  have  been  allowed  to  loan  money  to  his 
friends  on  any  kind  of  securities,  at  his  own  discretion. 

Q.  What  have  you  to  say  about  Jaj^  Cooke  ?  A.  Jay  Cooke 
has  failed  by  attempting  to  carry  out  a  great  enterprise  iifteen 
years  too  soon. 

Q.  You  are  not  clear,  then,  in  your  own  mind,  that  we  have 
seen  the  worst  of  it  yet?  A.  No  ;  it  is  impossible  to  tell  what 
to-morrow  and  next  day  may  bring  forth.  I  hope  the  worst  is 
passed,  and  that  it  will  not  reach  the  commercial  and  business 
world  ;  it  would  be  wicked  for  them  to  have  to  suffer  for  the 
sins  of  the  Wall  street  gamblers  and  speculators. 


LEGISLATIVE  PUEITY. 

A.  D.  1826-1873. 


WHAT     WAS     DONE     TO     PRESERVE    THE     PURITY     OF     LEGISLATION 

IN  1826. 

In  1826,  Jasper  Ward,  a  Senator  from  the  county  of  West- 
chester, was  charged  with  having  been  bribed  to  vote  for  a 
bank  charter.  A  committee  of  investigation  was  appointed. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  investigation  several  of  General 
Ward's  colleagues,  believing  that  the  testimony  against  him  did 
not  call  for  his  expulsion,  avowed  their  readiness  to  sustain  him  ; 
but  they  at  the  same  time  said  to  General  Ward  that  their 
eiForts  would  be  wholly  unavailing  if  the  chairman  of  the  com- 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed,  193 

mittee  (Silas  Wright),  should  report  against  him.  General 
Ward,  therefore,  made  a  strong  appeal  to  Mr.  Wright,  his  per- 
sonal and  political  friend.  Mr.  Wright,  after  listening  attent. 
ivelj  to  all  the  .accused  Senator  could  say,  remarked  that  he 
had  carefully  examined  and  weighed  the  testimony  in  all  its 
aspects  and  bearings,  anxiously  hoping  to  reach  a  conclusion  in 
which  his  sen&e  of  public  duty  would  not  conflict  with  his  per- 
sonal feelings.  He  added  that  were  he  sitting  as  a  judge  or 
juror  in  that  case,  the  testimony  would  be  insufficient  to  justify 
a  verdict  of  guilty  ;  but  that  there  was  a  wide  distinctioa 
between  legislative  and  judicial  proceedings ;  and  that  in  his 
judgment  the  facts  and  circumstances  proven  aflected  the  char- 
acter of  the  accused  so  unfavorably  as  to  require  the  Senate,  in 
vindication  of  its  dignity  and  purity,  to  adopt  the  resolution 
which  he  should  submit  on  the  following  morning,  unless  Gen- 
eral Ward's  resignation  was  received  before  that  order  of  busi- 
ness was  reached.  That  resolution  (which  was  handed  to 
General  Ward),  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say,  was  in  favor  of 
his  expulsion  from  the  Senate.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to  add  that 
General  Ward's  resignation  will  be  found  recorded  on  the 
journal  of  the  Senate. 

WHAT  WAS  NOT   DONE    TO  PRESERVE    THE    PURITY  OF    LEGISLATION 

IN  1868. 

In  1868  the  charges  of  bribery  and  corruption  against  Abner 
C.  Mattoon,  of  Oswego,  were  so  rife  that  a  committee  of  inves- 
tigation became  indispensable.  Mr.  Hale,  of  Essex,  was  its 
chairman.  The  testimony,  when  reported  to  the  Senate,  proved 
unequivocally  and  overwhelmingly  that  the  accused  was  shame- 
lessly and  rapaciously  guilty.  This,  in  effect,  if  not  in  express 
language,  was  admitted  by  the  committee  in  their  report ;  and 
yet  no  expulsion  was  recommended  by  the  committee,  and  no 
action  taken  by  the  Senate.  The  accused  Senator,  who  sold 
his  vote  as  often  as  he  could  find  a  purchaser,  was  permitted  to 
occupy  his  seat  in  a  now  disgraced  Senate  until  the  expiration 
of  his  term ! 

The  progress  of  bribery  and  corruption  since  1868  has  been 
fearfully  rapid.  During  the  last  two  years  the  trafiic  in  votes 
has  been  open,  shameless  and  almost  universal.  Kesolutions 
25 


194  Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 

calling  for  the  appointment  of  committees  of  investigation 
have  been  offered  and  adopted  as  deliberate  strikes  against 
wealthy  corporations.  The  Legislature  since  1868  has  been  in 
the  condition  of  a  patieni;  whose  stomach  is  too  weak  to  throw 
off  contents  wliich  are  diseasing  and  corrupting  the  wliole  body. 
Every  thing,  tlierefore,  depends  upon  the  result  of  the  present 
conflict  with  flagrant  and  overshadowing  corruption.  If  hon- 
est men  enough  to  expose  and  punish  legislative  bribery  and 
muniicipal  robbery  are  chosen  to  the  next  Legislature,  we  may 
look  for  a  salutary  reform.  Otherwise,  the  cloud  which  lowers 
over  our  plundered  city  will  darken  the  whole  State.  The 
only  possible  chance  of  success  in  this  city  depends  upon  the 
wisdom  and  patriotism  of  Republicans.  If  our  political 
friends,  in  their  oi'ganizations  and  as  individual  Republicans, 
seeking  nothing  for  themselves,  act  cordially  with  the  tax  pay- 
ers and  reform  Democrats,  enough  can  be  secured  to  save  the 
city.  And  while  such  a  course  will  be  magnanimous  and  cred- 
itable, it  costs  really  nothiiig  ;  for  there  is  not  a  Republican  in 
the  whole  city,  of  ordinary  intelligence,  who  does  not  know  that, 
as  elections  have  been  and  are  conducted,  there  is  not  the  ghost 
of  a  chance  for  any  one  Republican,  nominated  and  running  as 
a  Republican  candidate,  to  be  elected. — Harper's  Weekly. 


LEGISLATIVE  INTEGRITY. 

[From  the  Albany  Morning  Express,  October  4, 1873.1 


In  last  night's  Evening  Journal  we  find  the  following  letter 
from  Mr.  Thiirlow  Weed,  in  relation  to  the  Senatorial  contest 
in  the  Twelfth  district: 

New  Yoke,  October,  1873. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Evening  Journal : 

An  Albany  paper  says  : 

The  opponents  of  the  re-nomination  of  I.  V.  Baker,  Jr.,  have 
recently  been  re-enforced  by  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed,  who  has 
written  the  following  letter,  which  is  published  in  the  Wash- 
ington County  Post,  and  re-produced  by  the  Troy  papers : 


,  -  Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  195 

New  York  —  My  Dear  Sir  :  I  am  very  mucli  pleased  to  see 
that  yon  are  making  a  manly  effort  to  defeat  the  nomination 
of  Baker  —  that  nomination  being  one  "  not  fit  to  be  made." 
If  the  descendants  of  the  Whigs,  whom  I  knew  thirty  years 
ago,  are  worthy  of  their  inheritance,  they  will  set  their  faces 
against  representatives  who  make  merchandise  of  their  votes  in 
the  Legislature.  I  am  shocked  to  learn  that  Canal  Commis- 
sioner Barkley,  whom  I  have  so  often  indorsed  as  an  honest 
man,  is  supporting  Baker.  If  my  health  would  permit  it,  I 
should  go  to  Troy  and  appeal  personally  to  Messrs.     *     *     * 

*,  and  other  friends,  to  oppose  a  nomination  which  will  bring 
discredit  upon  themselves  and  their  district. 

Yours,  very  truly, 

Thurlow  Weed. 

Senator  Baker's  friends  are  indignant,  not  only  over  Mr. 
Weed's  aspersions,  but  over  the  fact,  as  well,  that  he  should 
have  assumed  to  interfere  at  all. 

It  has  been  my  habit  for  more  than  fifty  years  to  "  interfere," 
both  in  the  nominations  and  the  elections,  for  and  against  good 
and  bad  men.  It  was  owing  in  some  measure  to  such  "  inter- 
ference "  that  the  interests  and  welfare  of  the  State  and  the 
people,  during  that  fifty  years,  have  been  promoted  and  pro- 
tected by  Governors  Clinton,  Seward,  Fish,  Hunt,  King,  and 
Morgan.  To  such  "  interference,"  more  recently,  the  nomina- 
tion of  Governor  Dix  was  attributed.  And  still  more  recently 
such  "  interference "  suggested  the  nomination  of  Benjamin 
D.  Sillman  for  Attorney-General,  and  aided  that  of  Mr.  Thayer, 
of  Rensselaer,  for  Secretary  of  State,  and  I  may  add  what  is 
probably  already  pretty  well  known,  that  I  have  been  earnestly 
"  interfering  "  for  two  or  three  months  in  favor  of  the  re-nomi- 
nation of  a  Comptroller  who  stands  up  honestly  and  fearlessly 
to  protect  the  State  Treasury  against  the  rapacious  designs  of 
individuals  and  "  rings." 

The  motives  that  prompt  such  "  interference  "  lead  me,  on 
the  other  hand,  so  far  as  my  health  and  strength  permit,  to 
oppose  the  nomination  and  election  of  unworthy  men ;  for  a 
citizen  who  is  not  as  ready  to  oppose  bad  men  as  to  support 
good  ones,  discharges  but  half  of  the  duty  he  owes  to  his 
country. 

In  1867,  when  Abner  C.  Mattoon  was  purchasing  his  way 
into  the  Senate  with  the  money  he  had  received  for  bribes  in  a 


196  Selections  from  the  JSTewspapee 

previous  Legislature,  I  appealed  to  the  Republicans  of  Oswego 
and  Madison  to  reject  an  unworthy  representative.  Instead  of 
opposing  and  denouncing  Mattoon,  the  Republican  journals  of 
that  district  turned  their  batteries  upon  me.  Mattoon  was 
elected.  But  the  chastisement  of  his  constituents,  as  well  as 
mj  own  vindication,  came  in  the  investigation  disclosing  brib- 
eries and  corruption,  which  involved  the  Senator,  his  district, 
and  the  State,  in  a  common  disgrace. 

History  is  now  endeavoring  to  repeat  itself  in  the  district 
composed  of  Rensselaer  and  Washington.  In  the  hope  of 
averting  other  discreditable  developments,  I  wrote  a  letter  to 
an  old  personal  and  political  friend  in  Washington  county, 
which,  though  not  intended  for  publication,  found  its  way  into 
print,  and  has  provoked  the  censures  of  journals  at  Troy  and 
Albany,  each  imputing  unworthy  motives. 

Two  years  ago  Mr.  Baker,  whom  I  had  not  before  seen, 
appealed  to  me  as  the  son  of  an  old  Washington  county  friend,  for 
a  favorable  notice  in  the  Times,  of  his  nomination  for  Senator. 
Thinking  well  of  his  father  and  having  no  reason  to  think 
otherwise  of  the  son,  I  yielded  to  his  request.  Had  he  proved 
himself  worthy  of  the  favorable  opinion  I  then  formed  and 
expressed,  I  certainly  should  not  oppose  his  re-nomination ;  for 
I  now  but  very  reluctantly  "  interfere  "  with  any  body's  nomi- 
nation or  election.  Indeed,  it  is  only  when  prompted  by  the 
hope  of  doing  some  good  that  I  allow  myself  to  think  or  act 
upon  any  political  question. 

Some  thirty  years  ago  a  Senator  from  Rensselaer  county 
(Kemble),  and  another  from  Washington  county  (Bishop),  were 
suspected  of  official  misconduct.  The  investigation  which  the 
Senate  ordered,  while  the  testimony  did  not  positively  establish 
the  charges  against  them,  was  of  so  damaging  a  character  that 
they  were  driven  by  public  opinion  from  their  seats  in  the  Sen- 
ate, into  a  retirement  from  which  neither  ever  emerged.  Then, 
both  the  press  and  the  people  were  sensitively  alive  to  the 
importance  of  purity  in  legislation.  ISTow,  one  of  the  most  dis- 
couraging signs  of  the  times  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  sensi- 
bilities of  outraged  constituents  and  the  watchfulness  and  vigi- 
lance of  the  press,  have  become  strangely  dulled. 

Thuklow  Weed. 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  19 Y 

STATE  GUBEKNATOEIAL  CANY  ASS. 

A.  D.  1874. 


,     AN    APPEAL    TO    THE    PUBLIC. 

Constrained  by  impaired  liealtli  to  withdraw  from  business 
and  politics,  I  have,  been  for  more  than  six  years  an  observer 
of  J  rather  than  a  participant  in,  the  events  which  occupy  and 
interest  others.  I  ceased,  at  the  outbreali  of  the  rebellion  which 
threatened  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  to  be  a  mere  partisan. 
There  was  not  an  hour  during  that  struggle  for  national  exist- 
ence that  I  did  not  cherish  as  warm  a  feeling  of  affection  and 
gratitude  in  and  for  loyal  Democrats  as  for  Republicans  ;  for 
from  the  beginning,  it  was  apparent  that  with  a  united  South 
and  a  divided  JSTorth  our  country  was  lost.  There  were  lead- 
ing Democrats  in  this  State  who  sympathized  and  acted  with 
the  rebels.  Prominent  among  such  was  Fernando  Wood. 
There  were  leading  Democrats  who  stood  throughout  the  rebel- 
lion loyally  by  the  Government.  Prominent  among  that  patri- 
otic band  was  Dean  Richmond.  In  1862,  amid  the  ultra-aboli- 
tion ravings  of  Senators  Sumner,  Wade,  Chandler,  etc.,  several 
Northern  States  faltered.  New  York  was  lost.  President 
Lincoln,  trembling  for  the  Union,  told  me  that  if  a  man  could 
be  found  who  would  go  one  step  further  or  faster  than  himself 
in  prosecuting  the  war  for  the  Union,  he  would  cheerfully  sup- 
port that  man  as  his  successor.  He  authorized  me  to  say  to 
Gov.  Seymour  that  he  had  a  position  of  great  power,  and  that, 
if  he  used  it  loyally,  he  would  be  rewarded  with  the  Presi- 
dency. I  informed  Gov.  Seymour  of  that  conversation  while, 
with  patriotic  intentions,  he  was  preparing  his  message ;  but, 
before  its  delivery,  copperhead  associations  and  influences  pro- 
cured the  insertion  of  a  paragraph  which  cost  him  the  confi- 
dence and  support  of  Union-loving  citizens. 

Simultaneously,  when  the  ranks  of  the  Union  army  had  been 
decimated,  and  it  became  indispensable  to  fill  up  our  skeleton 
regiments,  the  war  Democrats  of  New  York  decided  to  hold  a 
public  meeting,  through  which  an  appeal  for  recruits  was  to  be 
made,  and  over  which  it  was  highly  important  that  Gen. 
McClellan  should  preside.  In  consultation  with  Mr.  Barlow 
and  other  confidential  friends  of  Gen.  McClellan,  I  stated  that 


198  Selections  feom  the  N^ewspapee 

his  and  their  only  chance  or  hope  depended  on  the  service  he 
might  render  the  country  in  its  hour  .of  periL  Assuming  that 
Gen.  McClellan's  consent""  to  preside  liad  been  obtained,  I  sug- 
gested on  paper  snch  thoughts  as  seemed  appropriate  for  the 
occasion,  and  sucli  as  in  my  judgment  were  calculated,  com- 
ing from  Gen.  McClellan,  to  arouse  popular  enthusiasm  in  favor 
of  the  war.  That  brief,  with  the  approval  of  his  Democratic 
friends,  was  sent  to  Gen.  McClellan,  who,  rather  than  make  an 
earnest,  outspoken  appeal  to  his  countrymen,  in  favor  of  a  vig- 
orous prosecution  of  the  war,  declined  to  preside  over  or  to 
attend  the  meeting.  Subsequently,  when  Mr.  Greeley  was  the 
Republican  nominee  for  State  ComjDtroller,  I  voted  for  Judge 
Allen,  his  Democratic  competitor,  for  the  reason  that  Mr.  Gree- 
ley, after  encouraging  and  inviting  the  Cotton  States  to  sepa- 
rate from  the  Union,  urged  the  Government  in  the  darkest 
night  of  the  war,  to  "  make  peace  on  the  best  available  terms  ; " 
while  Mr.  Allen,  though  a  Democrat,  was  open  and  earnest 
in  support  of  the  Government  throughout  the  war.  And 
more  recently,  at  a  judicial  election,  I  cheerfully  voted  for 
Hamilton  W.  Robinson  and  John  Brady,  Democratic  nominees 
for  high  judicial  stations,  and  I  would  gladly  vote  for  as  many 
such  judges  as  either  party  will  put  in  nomination. 

In  the  spirit  which  moved  me  on  the  occasions  referred  to 
looking  and  reaching  above  and  beyond  a  partisan  motive,  and 
in  the  discharge  of  what  I  deem  to  be  an  imperative  duty,  I 
submit  in  the  frankness  which  has  characterized  my  communings 
with  the  people  for  more  than  half  a  century,  a  brief  appeal 
to  my  friends  and  fellow-citizens.  I  believe  unhesitatingly  that 
Gov.  Dix  has  discharged  the  duties  of  his  high  office  with  a 
fidelity  and  ability  rarely  equaled  and  never  surpassed.  He 
■  has  raised  by  his  wisdom,  firmness,  and  dignity  the  Executive 
Department  of  the  Government  to  an  elevation  only  attained 
by  our  most  gifted  statesmen.  Holding  the  reins  with  a  firm 
hand,  he  has  reformed  department  abuses  and  checked  and  re- 
strained demoralizing  legislation.  He  found  as  an  inheritance 
from  his  immediate  predecessors  the  general  and  sinking-funds 
of  the  State  plundered,  with  a  floating  debt  of  more  than  six 
millions  of  dollarsr""  The  floating  debt  has  been  paid.  "Tlie 
money  fraudulently  abstracted  from  the  general  and  sinking 
funds  has  been  restored.     Under  the  auspices  of  Gov.  Dix  and 


Aeticles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  199 

Comptroller  Hopkins,  if  the  people  decide  to  avail  themselves  of 
their  services  for  two  years  more,  the  Empire  State  will  join  in 
the  celebration  of  the  Centennial  Anniversary  with  a  debt  not 
exceeding  ten  millions,  while  it  is  painfnl  and  mortifying  to 
know  that  the  tax  payers  of  the  city  of  New  York  are  burdened 
with  a  debt  of  over  a  hundred  millions.  Such  are  the  resiilts 
of  ffood  State  Government  contrasted  with  the  bitter  fruits  of 
city  misrule.  I  ask,  therefore,  that  Gov.  Dix's  administration 
may  be  judged  by  its  acts  ;  that  the  people  will  decide  the 
question  upon  its  merits.  I  ask  the  electors  to  separate  this 
issue  from  all  others.  This  election  concerns  themselves  alone. 
It  has  no  necessaiy  connection  with  the  General  Government. 
There  is  time  enough  after  we  have  discharged  our  duties  to 
the  State  to  consider  the  Presidential  question.  Gen.  Dix's 
interest  in  the  election  is  secondary  to  that  of  the  electors.  We 
are  to  be  affected  far  more  deeply  than  the  candidate  in  the 
result.  His  re-election  assures  us  of  continued  security  and 
protection.  His  defeat  may  restore  lax  and  loose  financial 
management  with  the  reckless  and  venal  legislation  which 
brought  the  State  deeply  into  debt  and  dishonor. 

With  regard  to  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor,  I 
shall  content  myself  with  showing  from  his  own  letter  that  at 
the  commencement  of  the  rebellion  he  proved  himself  disloyal 
to  the  Government  and  the  Union. 

In  October,  1860,  Samuel  J.  Tilden  wrote  a  letter  to  Wil- 
liam Kent  arguing  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  election  would  be  a  sufii- 
cient  cause  for  revolt  by  the  Southern  States,  and  declaring 
that  the  founders  of  our  Government,  "  left  revolution  organ- 
ized with  power  to  snap  the  tie  of  confederation  as  a  nation 
might  break  a  treaty,  and  to  repel  coercion  as  a  nation  might 
TepeF  invasion." 

After  the  firing  upon  Fort  Sumter,  when  the  patriotic  citizens 
of  New  York  rushed  to  the  City  Hall  —  as  in  1776  the  citizens 
of  Boston  rushed  to  Faneuil  Hall  —  to  form  a  "  Union  Defense 
Committee,"  Samuel  J.  Tilden  put  in  no  appearance.  When 
"our  citizens  gave  their  money  freely  for  the  organization^  of 
troops,  and  for  the  support  of  the  families  of  absent  volun- 
teers, Mr.  Tilden's  name  was  missing  upon  all  the  subscription 
lists.  To  no  call  of  patriotism  during  the  war  did  Mr.  Tilden 
respond.     His  record,  so  far  as  my  information  goes,  begins 


200  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

and  ends  with  the  letter  I  have  quoted.     The  man  who,  if  not 
in  sympathy  with  our  enemies,  in  a  desperate   and   doubtful 
struggle  for  the  existence  of  the  Government  and  the  Union 
^  remains  indifferent  and  passive,  cannot  receive  my  vote  for 

Governor. 

For  the  defeat  of  a  conspiracy  between  Howell  Cobb  and 
Jacob  Thompson,  disloyal  members  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  Cabi- 
net, Senators  Slidell,  Mason,  Benjamin,  and  other  secessionists 
by  a  couj?  cVetat  to  simultaneously  prevent  the  inauguration  of 
I  Mr.  Lincoln,  and.  to  usurp  the  Government,   the  country  is 

1  largely  indebted  to  John  4-.  Dix^aiid  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  then 

\  loyal  members  of  the  same  Cabinet.'     When  secession  was  cul- 

^  minating  into  rebellion,  Secretary  Dix  in  a  dispatch  to  a  rev- 

enue cutter  officer  at  New  Orleans,  gave  a  ringing  key-note  to 
his  countrymen  by  ordering  the  lirst  man  who  attempted  to 
dishonor  the  American  flag  to  be  instantly  shot.     And  when 

//  in  command  of  Fort  McHenry  at  Baltimore,  by  the  prompt 

imprisonment  of  rebel  members  of  the  Maryland  Legislature, 
Gen.  Dix  held  that  State  in  the  Union.  To  these  acts  of  de- 
voted courage  and  patriotism  while  in  the  service  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government,  Gen.  Dix's  claim  to  the  confidence  and  grat- 
itude of  the  citizens  of  our  State  has  been  augmented  by  the 
intrinsic  and  pronounced  value  and  importance  of  his  services 
as  its  Chief  Magistrate. 

It  is  by  no  act  or  fault  either  of  commission  or  omission  of 
the  State  administration,  that  the  various  industries  of  life  are 
embarrassed,  crippled,  or  standing  still.  That  labor  seeks  in 
vain  for  employment  is  a  common  misfortune^  And  to  my 
mind  the  fact  that  the  statesmen  who  formerly  occupied  seats 
in  Congress  have  passed  away,  leaving  few  successors  equal  in 
wisdom  and  devotion,  is  a  still  greater  misfortune. 

It  is  proper,  however,  to  say,  as  it  is  useful  to  remember,  that 
the  people  of  the  South  are  not  the  only  sufferers  from  the 
war  into  which,  without  provocation,  they  recklessly  precipi- 
tated the  country.  That  war  not  only  cost  us  rivers  of  blood 
and  thousands  of  millions  of  treasure,  but  occasioned  wide- 
spread demoralization,  substituting  fraud  for  integrity  in  the 
discharge  of  official  duties  and  fiduciary  trusts.  All  wars  leave 
their  wounds  and  penalties,  but  neither  the  wars  of  other  coun- 
tries, nor  the  former  wars  of  our  own,  ever  inflicted  such  evils 
as  those  through  which  we  are  passing. 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  201 

Exhaustive  extravagance  and  luxury  are  among  the  worst 
"  cankers  of  a  long  war.'' 

The  Democratic  party  lost  power  when  it  lost  its  senses. 
Like  the  Federalists  of  1812,  the  Democratic  organizations  of 
1861,  1862,  and  1863  sympathized  with  the  enemies  of  the 
country,  thus  forfeiting  and  losing  the  confidence  and  support 
of  patriotic  citizens.  The  Republican  party  has  enjoj^ed  power 
for  four~~Presidential  terms.  There  have  been  during  that 
long  period  just  causes  for  popular  complaint  —  causes  of 
whicli  an  enlightened  opposition  might  have  taken  advantage, 
but  like  the'~Bonrbons,  modern  Democrats  neither  "  forget  nor 
learn  any  thihgl"  I  would  not  regret  to  see  the  democracy  re- 
stored to  power,  w^re  its  representative  men,  as  in  former  times, 
"  able,  honest,  and  faithful  to  the  Constitution."  Such,  liow- 
ever,  is'iidt  the  "  ehtertainment "  to  which  we  are  invited.  The 
Democratic  tendencies  are  all  in  the  wrong  direction.  Rebels 
and  rebel  sympathizers  are  coming  to  the  surface.  Should 
Republicans,  either  by  their  apathy  or  by  wasting  their  suf- 
frages upon  a  misguided  side-issue,  allow  their  State  tickets  to 
be  defeated,  there  is  too  much  reason  to  fear  that  in  1876  the 
Government  will  fall  back  into  the  hands  of  those  who  at- 
tempted to  destroy  it  in  1861. 

Thuklow  Weed. 


A  CENTENNIAL  CELEBRATION —NOT  AN  EXPO- 
SITION. 

A.  D.  18Y4. 


The  Centennial  Anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  American 
Independence  —  it  should  he  celebrated  as  the  greatest  of  all 
Fourths-of-July. 

To  the  Editor  of  The  R.  T.  Tribune: 

Sir  :  In  the  Winter  of  1861,  when  the  subject  of  a  celebra- 
tion of  the  Centennial  Anniversary  of  our  Independence  was 
suggested  to  me  in  a  conversation  with  the  Hon.  John  Bigelow, 
26 


202  Selections  fkom  the  I^ewspapek 

then  our  Minister  to  Fr|ince,  it  re-awakened  all  the  enthnsiasm 
of  my  bojhood.  Then  the  apjjroach  of  the  "  Fourth-of-July  " 
was  an  annual  source  of  grateful  enjoyment.  The  rising  gen- 
eratioji  were  made  happy,  and  proud,  and  grateful  —  happy  in 
witnessing  a  brilliant  pageant,  proud  of  a  glorious  Republic, 
and  grateful  to  the  men  who  had  achieved  our  independence. 
The  anticipations  of  John  Adams,  in  the  prophetic  letter  writ, 
ten  July  4,  1776,  were  fully  and  happily  realized.  Those  cele- 
brations were,  for  full  three-quarters  of  a  century,  not  only 
animating,  but  in  the  orations  and  sentiments  elicited,  an 
ardent  love  of  country  was  inspired,  patriotic  fires  were  kindled 
and  kept  perpetually  burning  in  all  American  hearts.  Our 
national  holidays  were  so  few  that  we  made  the  most  of  the 
4th  of  July  and  the  22d  of  February. 

It  occasions  sad  thoughts  and  feelings,  in  my  old  age,  to  see 
how  coldly  and  artificially  these  national  holidays  are  now 
observed.  The  present  generation  is  growing  up  without  the 
joyous  anticipations  of  happiness  which  each  return  of  the  anni- 
versary of  American  Independence  brought  to  every  city,  every 
village,  every  hamlet,  every  household,  and  every  heart  in  the 
then  really  United  States.  We  all  once  rejoiced  in  the 
"  pomps,  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells,  bonfires,  and  illumi- 
nations," so  glowingly  foreshadowed  by  a  signer  of  the  Decla- 
ration. We  all  hoped  and  believed  that  time  would  work  no 
change  in  this  respect. 

I  was,  therefore,  let  me  repeat,  greatly  pleased  with  the 
prospect  of  a  Centennial  celebration  of  the  Anniversary  of 
American  Independence.  I  looked  forward  joyfully  to  a 
"  Fourth  of  July  "  celebration  kindred  in  manner  and  spirit, 
but  broader  and  grander  in  scope  —  a  celebration  at  Philadel- 
phia that  would  bring  together  hundreds  of  thousands  of  free 
men  from  all  the  States  of  the  Union,  to  be  witnessed  by 
admiring  guests  from  all  the  nations  of  the  civilized  world. 
Such,  in  brief,  was  the  entertainment  to  which  I  supposed  we 
were  to  be  invited. 

From  this  pleasant  reverie  I  was  startled,  a  year  or  two  since, 
by  an  announcement  that  the  proposed  celebration  was  to  cost 
several  millions  of  dollars.  Why  it  was  to  be  thus  expensive 
I  could  not  even  conjecTure,  until  the  explanation  came  in  a 


Articles  of  Thurloav  Weed.  203 

form  any  thing  but  satisfactory.  Instead  of  a  celehraiion  of 
tlie  liundredtli  anniversary  of  independence,  we  are  to  have  an 
"  Industrial  Exhibition."  This  seems  to  me  a  wide  departure 
from  the  original  purpose  and  appropriate  observance  of  a 
national  holiday.  What  I  looked  for,  and  what  I  think  was 
looked  for  by  others,  was  a  day  of  general  jubilee,  in  which  the 
whole  American  people  could  unite  in  expressions  and  mani- 
festations of  heartfelt  joy  for  their  individual  happiness  and 
for  our  national  prosperity  during  the  hundred  years.  But  this 
was  a  dehision.  The  occasion  is  to  be  turned  to  account  in 
a  pecuniary  way.  We  are  to  have,  not  a  Fourth  of  July  cele- 
bration upon  a  broad  basis,  but  a  United  States  Fair,  or  cattle 
show.  It  is  to  be  what  might  just  as  well  be  in  any  other  year, 
or  upon  any  other  day  of  the  year,  as  upon  the  Fourth  of  July, 
1876.  In  my  judgment  the  exhibition  of  scientific,  meclianical 
and  agricultural  implements  and  products  at  Philadelphia 
would  be  quite  as  much  out  of  place  on  the  Fourth  of  July, 
1876,  as  were  the  money-tables  that  desecrated  the  Temple  at 
Jerusalem.  We  should,  upon  reaching  the  hundredth  year  of 
our  national  age,  become,  for  one  whole  day,  oblivious  of  "  the 
almighty  dollar."  The  approaching  Centennial  celebration 
sTiould,  in  an  intensified  degree,  be  to  the  Union  what  the  cele 
bration  of  the  completion  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  was 
to  IS^ew  England.  The  voice  whose  glowingly  patriotic  utter- 
ances on  that  occasion  claimed  to  be  and  seemed  inspired  by 
the  spirit  of  John  Adams,  is  now  silent.  But  other  voices, 
scarcely  less  gifted,  and  drawing  inspiration  from  the  altar  at 
which  Webster  knelt,  would  create  by  their  orations  and 
anthems  an  atmosphere  of  eloquence  and  melody,  awakening 
emotions  and  teaching  lessons  alike  pleasant  and  useful  to  our 
people  and  country  through  all  coming  time.  Such  a  celebra- 
tion would  prepare  the  American  people  to  enter  upon  the 
second  century  of  their  national  existence  under  happy  and 
grateful  auspices. 

The  appropriate  and  legitimate  celebration  of  our  Kational 
anniversary  calls  for  no  such  prodigal  expenditure  of  money  as 
is  contemplated  by  those  who  seek  to  convert  it  into  a  National 
Exposition.  The  moment  it  was  understood  that  several  mil- 
lions of  dollars  would  be  required,  the  public  confidence  anJ 


204  Selections  from  the  JSTewspapee 

the  popular  interest  in  the  enterprise  were  staggered  ;  and  the 
more  the  questions  are  canvassed  the  weaker  they  grow,  We 
cannot  afEord,  while  so  many  of  our  people  are  unemployed, 
while  so  many  of  our  industries  stand  still,  and  while  the  Gov- 
ernment is  financially  crippled,  to  add  seven,  six,  five,  or  even 
four  millions  to  the  national  debt,  merely  to  enable  manufac- 
turers, mechanics  and  agriculturists  to  exhibit  premium  speci- 
mens of  their  handiwork,  l^or  is  it  strange  that  the  people 
"hesitate  about  an  expenditure  of  money  for  an  anniversary 
celebration,  greater  than  the  entire  original"  cost  of  the  Erie 
and  Champlain  canals.  ISFor  is  it  unreasonable  when  $10,000,- 
000  are  demanded  for  such  an  object  that  popular  distrust 
should  be  awakened.  A  recent  attempt  to  inveigle  the  city  of 
New  York  into  an  appropriation  of  two  and  a  half  millions  of 
dollars  for  a  bogus  "  Industrial  Exhibition  "  was,  by  the  firm- 
ness of  the  Mayor  and  Board  of  Aldermen,  with  difficulty 
defeated.  In  the  contemplated  expenditure  of  millions  of  dol- 
lars for  the  erection  of  a  Crystal  Palace  at  Philadelphia,  I  dis- 
cern in  embryo  a  "  ring  "  and  "  job  "  that  may  bring  universal 
but  unavailing  discredit  and  mortification. 

The  attempt  to  raise  $10,000,000  has  been  received  with  so 
little  of  favor  that  its  accomplishment  cannot  be  reasonably 
anticipated.  Why  not,  then,  abandon  the  "  Exposition  "  fea- 
ture and  return  to  the  original  idea  of  a  Centennial  celebration  ? 
The  money  required  for  this  purpose  would  be  readily  and 
cheerfully  contributed.  The  celebration  should  be  enlightened 
and  munificent.  Invitations  should  be  sent  to  all  the  Govern- 
ments with  which  we  have  relations,  provision  being  made  for 
extending  a  bountiful  hospitality  to  all  who  come  to  us  from 
abroad.  Strangers  should  enjoy  the  freedom  of  our  steamers 
and  railways  to  visit  all  the  points  and  objects  of  interest  and 
attraction  throughout  our  whole  country.  In  this  way  our 
European  visitors  would  obtain  a  far  better  knowledge  of  the 
progress  and  growth  of  the  country,  and  of  the  wealth,  intelli- 
gence, prosperity,  and  happiness  of  our  people,  than  by  looking 
through  show  cases  at  fancy  articles  in  a  Crystal  Palace. 

T.  W. 

New  York,  February  28,  1874. 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  205 

POLITICAL  KEMIKISCENCES. 

A.  D.  1874. 


The  Integrity  of  Past  State  Administrations. 


REPLY    TO    SAMUEL    J.    TILDEN. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  New  York  Times: 

Some  three  weeks  before  the  recent  State  election,  a  letter 
from  Hon  Samuel  J.  Tildeu  was  pulilished  in  the  journals  of 
this  citj,  from  which  I  then  cut  the  following  extract : 

"When  Seward  and  Weed  took  the  place  of  T\''right,  Marcy 
and  Flagg,  public  and  official  morality  fell  in  the  twinkling  of 
an  eye." 

One  of  the  objects  of  Mr.  Tilden's  letter  was  to  unite  and 
arouse  our  citizens  in  an  effort  to  reform  their  municipal  gov- 
ernment. ISTot  willing  to  embarrass  Mr.  Tilden  while  so  zeal- 
ously and  laudably  occupied,  I  deferred  the  reply  which  his 
gratuitous  aspersion  called  for,  until  his  praiseworthy  efforts, 
seconded  by  unprecedented  unanimity  on  the  part  of  the  peo- 
ple, are  rewarded  with  triumphant  success. 

I  now  den}^,  in  terms  intended  to  be  as  strong  as  our  lan- 
guage furnishes,  that  "  public  and  official "  immorality  was 
inaugurated  under  the  administration  of  Gov.  Seward.  Dur- 
ing the  four  years  that  he  occupied  the  executive  chair,  no 
official  act  of  demoralization  against  the  Governor  or  the  Whig 
State  officers  was  even  alleged.  And  yet,  during  no  period  of 
our  State  history  were  political  conflicts  more  exciting  and  bit- 
ter ;  nor  had  any  former  administration  encountered  opponents 
more  distinguished  for  experience  and  ability. 

No  error  of  judgment  and  no  defect  in  policy,  no  doubtful 
exercise  of  authority,  and  no  mistake  or  omission  in  the  dis- 
charge of  public  duty,  escaped  the  watchful  attention  and  vig- 
ilant eyes  of  Gov.  Marcy,  Mr.  Flagg,  Mr.  Croswell,  Gen.  Dix, 
Michael  Hoffinan,  Abijah  Mann  and  other  leaders  of  the  Dem- 


206  Selections  from  the  ISTewspaper 

ocratic  party.     An  administration  obnoxious  to  Mr.  Tilden's 
accusation  could  not  have  survived  its  first  year.    , 

There  was  in  those  days,  in  the  attention  which  the  people 
gave  to  their  own  affairs,  a  salutary  restraint  upon  rulers. 
During  the  interval  of  time  between  183Y  and  1845,  the  polit- 
ical character  and  complexion  of  our  State  underwent  three 
revolutions,  the  question  turning  each  time,  not  upon  any 
alleged  fraud  or  dishonesty  against  either  party,  but  purely  on 
questions  of  Government  policy.  If  Mr.  Tilden  were  asked 
to  indicate  any  act  of  "  official  demoralization  in  Governor 
Seward's  administration,"  he  would  either  search  the  record  in 
vain  for  evidence,  or,  what  is  more  likely,  admit  that  he  had 
used  the  term  inadvertently.  It  is,  therefore,  a  matter  of  sur- 
prise that,  with  an  executive  record  of  which  any  of  the  dis- 
tinguished men  who  preceded  or  followed  him  in  that  office 
might  be  justly  proud.  Governor  Seward's  administration, 
long  after  the  animosities  of  the  day  had  faded  out,  should  be 
made  the  occasion  of  injurious  reflection.  And  the  injustice 
of  this  is  still  more  noticeable  from  the  circumstance  that  this 
eminent  statesman  has  recently  closed  a  lengthened  term  of 
service  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  as  a  Cabinet 
Minister,  not  more  distinguished  for  eminent  ability  than  for 
chivalric  integrity.  JSTo  private  citizen,  and  no  public  servant 
in  any  age  or  country,  was  ever  governed  by  a  purer  or  a 
higher  sense  of  personal  and  official  honor  and  honesty  than 
the  eminent  statesman  to  whose  administration  Mr.  Tilden 
attributes  the  fall  of  "public  and  ofiicial  morality." 

I  appeal  now  to  the  character  of  succeeding  State  adminis- 
trations for  evidence  equally  conclusive  against  Mr.  Tilden's 
unjust  accusation.  Inasmuch  as  the  Democratic  journals  and 
statesmen  of  former  days  held  me  responsible  for  Whig  Gov- 
ernors, Whig  State  officers,  etc.,  I  may  be  pardoned  now  for 
saying  that  the  political  friends  who  for  so  long  a  period  con- 
fided in  my  judgment,  controlled  the  conventions  by  which 
Govs.  Hamilton,  Fish,  Washington  Hunt,  John  A.  King  and 
Edwin  D.  Morgan  were  successfully  nominated.  Will  Mr. 
Tilden  affirm  that  the  standard  of  "  public  and  official  moral- 
ity fell"  under  the  auspices  of  any  of  these  gentlemen? 
Were  not  the  interests  and  welfare  of  the  people,  not  less 
than  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  State,  consulted  and  pro- 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  207 

moted  by  all  and  each  of  them  ?  Cainiot  the  friends  of  Govs. 
Fish,  Hunt,  King  and  Morgan  point  to  their  gubernatorial 
record  for  conclusive  evidence  that  financial  integrity  suffered 
nothing  in  their  hands  ?  And  while  it  may  be  deemed  gratu- 
itous in  me  to  say  so,  yet  it  is  but  an  act  of  simple  justice  to 
admit  that  in  its,  Jin ahGial  aspects  the  executive  record  of  Gov. 
Seymour  is  a  clean  olle. 

If,  as  is  often  said,  men  are  to  be  judged  by  the  company 
they  keep,  it  may  be  added  that  a  politician  may  be  judged  by 
the  men  whom  he  elevates  to  high  official  position.  In  this 
connection  it  may  be  proper  to  remark  that  upon  the  "  slate," 
of  which  so  much  was  formerly  said  during  the  inan}^  years 
that  I  enjoyed  tli'e  confidence  of  the  Whig  and  Republican 
parties,  the  following  names  were  at  different  periods  inscribed  : 
Lieutenaut-Governors  Bradish,  Fish,  Patterson,  Raymond  and 
Selden ;  Secretaries  of  State  John  C.  Spencer,  Christopher 
Morgan,  E.  W.  LeaveuAvorth  and  Horatio  Ballard  ;  Comptrol- 
lers Bates,  Cook,  John  A.  Collier,  Millard  Fillmore,  Washing- 
ton Hunt,  Pliilo  C.  Fuller,  James  M.  Cook  and  Robert  Den- 
niston  ;  Attorney-Generals  Willis  Hall,  Ambrose  L.  Jordan, 
Ogden  Hoffman  and  Charles  G.  Myers ;  Treasurers  Jacob 
Haight,  Alvah  Hunt,  James  M.  Cook,  Benjamin  Welsh,  Jr., 
E.  G.  Spaulding  and  George  W.  Schuyler ;  Canal  Commis- 
sioners Samuel  B.  Ruggles,  Asa  Whitney,  S.  ITewton  Dexter, 
George  H.  Boughton,  Thomas  Clowes,  Charles  Cook,  Nelson 
J.  Beach,  Henry  Fitzhugh  and  Hiram  Gardner;  Speakers 
Erastus-  Root,  Luther  Bradish,  George  W.  Patterson,  Peter  B. 
Porter,  Jr.,  Robert  H.  Pruyn,  Henry  J.  Raymond  and  Dewitt 
C.  Littlejohn.  My  political  opponents  chose  to  give  me  more 
credit  than  I  deserved  for  the  election  of  IST.  P.  Talmadge,  W. 
H.  Seward,  Hamilton  Fish,  Preston  King  and  Edwin  D. 
Morgan  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  Tliese  are  among 
the  prominent  public  men  with  whom  I  have  been  closely 
identified  foi-  more  than  forty  years.-  If  the  tendency  of  polit- 
ical demoralization  dates  back  to'the  administration  of  Gov. 
Seward,  these  men  became  obnoxious  to  Mr.  Tilden's  accusa- 
tion. If  he  seriously  intended  to  impugn  the  characters  of 
such  men,  I  ask  him  to  point  out  the  spot  or  blemish  that 
tarnishes  their  official  reputation. 

In  the  State  convention  of  1865,  where  my  influence  (for 


208  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

the  last  time)  predominated,  a  State  ticket  was  nominated  to 
which  I  now  refer  with  feelings  of  just  pride.  The  following 
names  were  npon  the  "  slate  "  before  I  left  Albany  :  For  Sec- 
retary of  State,  Francis  C.  Barlow;  for  Attorney-General, 
John  H.  Martindale ;  for  Comptroller,  Thomas  Hillhonse ; 
for  Treasnrer,  Joseph  Hawland ;  for  Canal  Commissioner, 
Alexander  Barkley.  At  Syracuse,  at  the  earnest  solicitation 
of  several  influential  friends,  I  consented  to  take  Mr.  Dorn  of 
Schenectady  as  Canal  Commissioner.  That  was  a  mistake; 
but  in  other  respects  the  ticket  was  one  of  the  best  ever  pre- 
sented to  the  people  of  our  State.  It  was  triumphantly 
elected,  and  although  their  duties  at  the  close  of  the  war  were 
arduous  and  responsible,  I  assume  that  Mr.  Tilden  will  not 
say,  and  did  not  intend  to  say,  that  the  financial  integrity  or 
honor  of  our  State  suffered  detriment  or  shame  from  the  hands 
of  Messrs.  Barlow,  Martindale,  Hillhonse  or  Rowland. 

Just  when  the  shameful  financial  demoralization  in  our 
State  government  did  commence,  might  be  easily  shown,  and 
although  the  duty  would  be  an  arduous,  if  not  a  thankless  one, 
I  should  not,  with  better  health,  shrink  from  it.  My  present 
purpose  is  to  show  that  the  official  frauds  and  corruptions  in 
our  municipal  and  State  governments  —  frauds  and  corruptions 
as  open  and  flagitious  in  character  in  our  State  Legislature  as 
in  our  cit}^  government  —  did  not  originate  either  in  1838, 
under  the  auspices  of  Gov.  Seward,  or  even  as  late  as  1858, 
under  the  auspices  of  Gov.  Morgan. 

Mr.  Tilden  pays  a  merited  tribute  to  the  public  services  and 
character  of  William  L.  Marcy,  Silas  Wright  and  Azariah  C. 
Flagg.  Among  the  eminent  men  who,  during  the  last  flfty 
years,  have  occupied  distinguished  positions  in  our  State,  none 
inspired  a  higher  regard,  or  are  remembered  more  gratefully 
by  the  people  than  Messrs.  Marcy,  Wright  and  Flagg.  Com- 
mencing political  life  in  the  party  to  which  these  gentlemen 
ever  belonged,  I  was  separated  from  them  in  1817,  after  which,  I  ■ 
for  more  than  tliirty  years,  there  was  a  great  political  gulf  be- 
tween us.  Long,  however,  before  Govs.  Marcy  and  Wright 
departed,  it  was  my  privilege  to  number  them  among  my 
cherished  personal  friends.  Between  the  only  survivors  of 
the  once  formidable  "Albany  Regency," — the  venerable  ex- 
Comptroller  Flagg,  Gen.  John  A.  Dix  and  ex-Governor  E.  T 


•    Akticles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  209 

Tliroop  (now  residents  of  this  city)  —  and  myself,  the  most 
agreeable  personal  relations  exist  —  relations  which  soothe  and 
brighten  the  evening  of  life. 
"^-— .«^. . Thuelow  Weed. 


TEMPEEANCE   AGITATIONS. 

A.  D.   ISYi. 


EEMINISCENCES  op  former  temperance    campaigns THE       RE- 
FORMED   DRUNKARDS  "     AND    "  TEMPERATE    DRINKERS  "  THE 

MOVEMENT  IN  THE  WEST    SPONTANEOUS,  MAGNETIC,  AND  EXTRA- 
ORDINARY. 

To  the  Editor  of  The  N.  T.  Tribune : 

SiE  :  The  Rev.  John  Hall,  who  comes  so  seasonably  and 
happily  to  the  support  of  all  good  and  beneficent  enterprises 
and  missions,  has  anticipated,  by  the  letter  which  you  published 
on  Saturday,  a  purpose  which  I  had  in  contemplation,  with 
this  difference,  that  he  has  done  his  work  much  better  than  I 
could  have  hoped  to. 

I  will  now  content  myself  with  a  brief  letter  designed  to 
confirm  and  fortify  Dr.  Hall's  views,  by  observation,  experi- 
ence, and  results.  Forty  years  ago  the  pervading  evils  of 
intemperance  occasioned  apprehensions  as  universal  as  the  dis- 
ease. In  the  city  of  Baltimore,  where  intemperance  was  then 
as  ruinously  and  loathsomely  apparent  as  it  is  now  in  Liver- 
pool, England,  a  movement  was  inaugurated,  which  not  only 
■^worEecTa  salutary  reform  there  but  extended  rapidly  to  other 
cities  and  villages,  especially  in  the  middle  and  eastern  States 
The  workers  in  that  really  great  movement  were  "■  reformed 
drunkards."  These,  composed  mostly  of  mechanics  who  had 
experienced  all  the  miseries  of  intemperance,  could  speak  prac- 
tically and  feelingly,  and  —  if  it  be  not  irreverent  to  say  so  — 
they  were,  like  the  fishermen  commandedto  follow  our  Saviour, 
imbued  with  a  wisdom  not  their  own.  At  any  rate  they  spoke 
to  large  audiences  with  telling  effect.  They  were  doing, 
2t  '  ,...„--.-— '^'^"" 


// 


210  Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 

among  the  classes  fiirnisliing  the  largest  number  of  victims  tc 
intemperance,  the  work  which  the  great  and  good  Father  Mat- 
thew accomplished  ten  years  afterward  among  the  poor  of  Ire- 
land. In  a  word,  the  "  reformed  drmikards  "  of  Baltimore, 
Philadelphia,  Kew  York,  Boston,  Albany,  and  other  cities 
were  converting  thonsands  from  intemperance  and  idleness  to 
sobriety  and  industry,  for  which  they  were  repaid  by  the  grati- 
tude and  blessings  of  the  wives  and  children  of  ransomed  hus- 
bands and  fathers. 

But  this  auspicious  movement  was  soon  overtlirown.  The 
temperance  question  was  seized  upon  by  a  different  class  of 
reformers,  who  not  only  "  twisted"  it  out  of  its  original  chan- 
nel and  purpose,  but  soon  ran  it  off  the  track  and  into  the 
ground.  Not  content  with  seeing  mechanics  and  laborers  res- 
cued from  habits  which  involved  themselves  and  their  families 
in  a  common  ruin,  they  substituted  a  crusade  against  "  temper- 
ate drinkers  "  in  place  of  a  reform  which  converted  drunkards 
into  sober  men.  In  the  "  reformed  drunkards'  "  labor,  the  laws 
of  charity,  kindness  and  affection  were  observed.  In  the  war- 
fare against  "  temperate  drinkers  "  the  spirit  of  bitterness  and 
denunciation  was  resorted  to.  State  and  county  temperaned 
societies  were  organized,  in  which  "  total  abstinence  from  all 
that  intoxicates "  was  demanded.  Ultra  temperance  men 
concerned  themselves  very  little  about  the  thousands  who  were 
poisoning  and  brutifying  themselves  with  bad  rum  and  worse 
whisky.  Their  anathemas  were  hurled  at  the'  "  temperate 
/  drinker."     In  1832,  the  great  champion  of  ultra  or  impractica- 

ble temperance,  as  the  Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee 
of  the  State  Temperance  Society,  boldly  and  recklessly  charged, 
in  a  printed  document,  that  every  victim  of  either  sex  to  that 
fearful  scourge,  cholera,  was  either  an  intemperate  or  temper- 
ate drinker  of  alcoholic  liquors.  This  unfounded  and  pruel 
accusation  was  soon  followed  by  a  step  which  brought  discord 
and  strife  into  our  churches.  The  Executive  Committee  of 
the  State  Temperance  Society  avowed  its  determination  to 
exclude  wine  from  the  communion  table.  While  that  crusade 
was  in  progress  a  simultaneous  movement  was  made  to  induce 
the  passage  of  laws  prohibiting  the  sale  of  liquors  and  wines. 
Maine  yielded  to  the  pressure.  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
partially  succumbed.     New  "York  was  the  scene  of  contention 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  211 

for  several  years.  All  these  extreme  measures  were  carried 
forward  at  the  ex]iense  of  real  temperance.  Where  prohibit- 
ory laws  existed  drunkenness  still  more  abounded.  The  evils 
of  intemperance,  like  other  vices  incident  to  human  nature,  can 
be  greatly^jminished  but  not  wholly  eradicated.  The  zeal, 
persistence,  and  expenditure  which  have  been  devoted  to  the 
extreme  and  impossible,  wisely  and  practically  directed  would 
have  immensely  mitigated  the  evils  and  averted  the  miseries  of 
intemperance.  But  as  was  foreseen  by  the  thoughtful  and 
reflecting,  the  warfare  upon  "  temperate  drinkers,"  the  crusade 
against  sacramental  wine,  and  the'  cry  for  prohibitory  laws, 
came  either  to  an  ignominious  end,  or  are  but  feebly  and  spas- 
modically urged.  Meantime,  intemperance  has  made  and  is 
making  hearts  and  liouseholds  sad  aud  desolate,  so  much  so  as 
to  provoke  a  movement  by  the  women  of  our  country,  alike 
spontaneous,  magnetic,  and  extraordinary.  Of  that  movement, 
emanating  from  the  highest  and  purest  sympathies  and  emo- 
tions of  the  human  heart,  I  can  neither  speak  nor  think  but 
with  profound  and  intense  respect  and  admiration.  It  is  a 
movement  of  those  wlio  are  happily  described  as  "  Heaven's 
last,  best  gift  to  man  "  —  a  movement  in  defense  of  their  chil- 
dren, and  with  the  hope  of  reclaiming  their  husbands,  their 
fathers,  and  their  brothers.  It  was  nobly  cohcefved,  lias  been 
courageously  prosecuted,  and  I  should  rejoice  to  see  it  crowned 
with  success.  IN'or  can  I  bring  myself  to  utter  a  syllable  calcu- 
lated to  embarrass  or  discourage  the  generous  women  who  are 
endeavoring  to  rescue  their  homes  and  their  hearths  from  the 
blight  of  intemperance.  I  have'simply  indicated  the  rocks  and 
reefs  upon  which  the  cause  of  temperance  was  in  former  years 
wrecked,  for  the  information  and  guidance  of  temperance  pilots 
of  the  present  day.  T.  W. 

New  York,  April  6,  1874. 


J 


212  Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 

A  COMPLIMENT  TO  MR.  WEED. 

A.  D.  1824-1874. 

[From  the  New  York  Daily  Tribune,  February  12,  1874.] 


*  *  -^  ^  *  *  In  tlie  House  of  Assembly  Mr.  Batch- 
eller  arose  and  s]3oke  as  follows  :  I  desire  to  offer  a  resolution 
"^wliieh  in  its  character  is  privileged.  One  of  New  York's  most 
distinguished  citizens — a  gentleman  whom  we  all  know,  if  not 
personally,  we  seem  to  know  him  personally  by  reason  of  his 
historic  character  as  connected  with  the  public  affairs  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  as  well  as  our  nation — is  at  present  in  our 
city.  Fifty  years  ago  he  was  a  member  of  this  body,  and  out 
of  respect  to  this  distinguished  citizen  I  nc^  offer  the  follow- 
ing preamble  and  resolutions  : 

Whereas,  The  Hon.  Thurlow  Weed  was  in  the  month  of 
November,  1824,  fifty  years  ago,  elected  as  a  Member  of 
Assembly  of  the  State  of  New  York  from  the  county  of 
Monroe ;  and  whereas,  he  is  this  day  present  iii  the  city  of 
Albany,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  vigorous  health  and  strength 
of  body  and  mind  ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  as  a  mark  of  respect  to  him,  being  one  of  the 
oldest  surviving  ex-Members  of  this  House,  and  in  considera- 
tion of  his  distinguished  and  patriotic  services  to  the  State  and 
i  nation  in  times  of  both  peace  and    war  as  a  simple  unofficial 

I  citizen,  we  hereby  tender  the  Hon.  Thurlow  Weed,  during  his 

stay  at  the  Capitol,  the  privileges  of  the  floor  of  this  House. 

Resolved,  That  the  Speaker  and  Clerk  be  requested  to  ten- 
der this  invitation  to  Mr.  Weed  and  present  him  with  an 
engrossed  copy  of  the  same. 

The  preamble  and  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted. 

The  Speaker  presented  the  following  : 

New  York,  February  6,  1874. 
To  the  Ron.  James  TF.  Husted,  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  : 

Sir:  The  resolutions  offered  by  the  Hon.  Mr.  Batcheller, 
and  adopted  by  the  Assembly,  tendering  to  me  the  privileges 
of  the  floor  of  the  House,  an  engrossed  copy  of  which  resolu- 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  213 

tions  yon,  in  company  with  the  clevk,  had  tlie  Ivindness  person- 
ally to  present,  impress  me  with  a  deep  bnt  pleasant  sense  of 
the  honor  they  confer.  I  am  still  more  profonndly  impressed 
with  a  sense  of  Divine  favor  in  being  among  the  very  few 
members  elected  to  the  Legislatnre  in  1821  spared  to  become 
the  recipient  of  such  flattering  recognition  by  the  Legislature 
of  1871. 

Of  the  members  of  that  Assembly,  so  far  as  I  am  informed, 
there  are  beside  myself  but  three  survivors.  The  Hon.  James 
D.  Mott,  a  highly  respected  citizen  of  Seneca  county,  although 
upon  the  shady  side  of  eighty,  is  in  the  enjoyment  of  mental 
and  physical  health.  The  Hon.  James  E..  Lawrence,  an  emi- 
nent membei*  of  the  Onondaga  bar,  who  is  also  past  his  eightieth 
year,  though  as  blind  as  Belisarius,  enjoys  good  health,  and  is 
passing  the  evening  of  life  clleerfull3^  Mr.  Lawrence  was 
again  elected  to  tht/Assembly  in  1837.  The  legislative  experi- 
ence of  the  other  survivor,  Mr.  Quackenboss,  was  exceptional, 
he  having  at  diiferent  periods  represented  four  different  con- 
stituencies. Lie  was  elected  to  the  Assembfy  from  Delaware 
county  in  182-1,  from  Greene  county  in  1829,  and  from  New 
York  in  1835,  and  to  the  Senate  from  the  3d  District  in  1830. 
He  is  now  residing  at  Elizabeth,  N.  J. 

The  election  of  1821  brought  several  young  men  of  much 
ability  and  promise  into  public  life.  Li  their  subsequent  his- 
tory their  aspirations  were  largely  realized.  Samuel  Stevens, 
of  Washington  county,  removed  to  Albany  and  devoted  himself 
to  his  profession  with  distinguished  success.  Robert  Monell, 
of  Chenango,  became  successively  a  member  of  Congress  and 
Circuit  Judge.  Ambrose  L.  Jordan,  of  Columbia,  was  elected 
to  the  Senate  from  the  Hid  District  in  1825,  and  chosen 
Attorney-General  in  1846,  after  which  he  removed  to  the  city 
of  'New  York.  He  attained  the  first  rank  at  the  bar  of  the 
metropolis.  Of  the  liigh  executive  and  judicial  officers- of  1824, 
the  Hon.  Enos  T.  Throop,  now  in  his  91st  year,  is  the  only 
survivor. 

In  one  respect  I  have  been  privileged  probably  beyond  any 
citizen  of  the  State.  While  a  member  of  the  Assembly  of 
1830j  The  Alhcmy  Evening  Journal  was  established,  and  from 
that  time  until  1862  I  was  personally  acquainted  with  each  and 


214  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

every  member.  Yom*  resolution,  therefore,  opens  a  long  vista 
for  reflection.  In  the  seats  yon  now  occupy,  so  familiar  to  my 
memory,  I  see  and  hear  in  my  imagination,  forms  and  voices 
then  elastic  and  eloquent,  but  now  formless  and  silent.  Promi- 
nent among  the  Legislative  statesmen  to  whom  I  have  listened 
in  former  days  were  Elisha  Williams,  James  Tallmadge,  James 
McKown,  David  B.  Ogden,  Peter  R.  Livingston,  Ogden 
Hoifman,  Thomas  J.  Oakley,  John  C.  Spencer,  Elisha  W. 
King,  Michael  Ulshoeffer,  James  Mullett,  Henry  G.  Wheaton, 
Azariah  C.  Flagg,  Francis  Granger,  George  E.  Davis,  MillarS 
Fillmore,  George  W.  Patterson,  George  P.  Barker,  Peter 
Gansevoort,  Silas  M.  Stillwell,  Philo  C.  Fuller,  Samuel  B. 
Ruggles,  Francis  B.  Cutting,  Dudley  Selden,  Charles  Livings- 
ton, Charles  P.  Clinch,  Michael  Hoffman,  John  A.  King, 
Luther  Bradish,  Greene  C.  Bronson,  John  A.  Dix,  Preston 
King,  Abijah  Mann,  Willis  Hall,  Sanford  E.  Church,  etc.,  of 
the  Assembly,  and  Abram  Yan  Yechten,  Cadwallader  D.  Col- 
den,  Silas  Wright,  John  Suydam,  William  H.  Maynard,  William 
H.  Seward,  Albert  H.  Tracy,  Gulian  C.  Yerplanck,  Daniel  S. 
Dickinson,  Erastus  Root,  A.  B.  Dickinson,  Samuel  Young, 
James  M.  Cook,  Benjamin  D.  Silliman,  Richard  P.  Martin, 
Samuel  Governeur,  etc.,  of  tlie  Senate. 

The  remains  of  one  of  my  colleagues  in  the  Assembly  of 
1830,  the  Hon.  Aaron  Yanderpoel,  then  of  stalwart  frame  and 
stentorian  voice,  now  repose  under  the  sod,  scarcely  twenty  feet 
from  the  window  of  my  library,  where  I  am  now  writing. 
But  this  letter  is  unconsciously  reaching  beyond  its  appropriate 
limit.  Its  purpose  was  to  convey  to  the  members  of  the  House 
over  which  you  preside,  my  thanks  for  the  honor  they  have 
done  me,  and  to  express  the  hope  that,  after  discharging  the 
responsible  duties  of  the  session  —  duties  which,  in  the  present 
financial  condition  of  the  State,  deeply  concern  its  welfare  — 
in  a  manner  alike  useful  and  creditable  to  your  constituents 
and  yourselves,  you  may  return  in  health  and  safety  to  your 
homes  and  your  friends. 

Yery  Respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Thurlow  Weed. 

The  communication  was  read,  and  on  motion  of  Mr.  Alvord 
it  was  ordered  to  be  printed.  ^  '~~' 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  215 

STOLEN   WATCH  EECOYEKED. 


New  York,  February  Y,  1874. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y.  Herald : 

Yonr  kindly  editorial  reference  to  my  loss  of  an  old  family 
watch  enconrages  me  to  believe  tliat  you  will  share  in  the 
gratification  which  its  return  has  occasioned.  The  watch  was 
handed  to  me  last  evening  by  Police  Commissioner  Smith,  who 
declined  on  the  part  of  the  detective  officers  who  had  been 
diligently  employed  in  "working  up  the  case"  to  receive  any 
compensation.  My  solicitude  for  the  recovery  of  the  watch 
was  not  at  all  in  consequence  of  its  intrinsic  value.  It  was  a 
New  Year's  present  from  my  friend,  the  late  James  Savage, 
of  Albany,  in  1833.  After  the  decease  of  a  son  and  daughter 
the  watch  was  sent  by  my  wife,  without  my  knowledge,  to 
Geneva,  iu  Switzerland,  where  a  portrait  of  Mar}'  was  beauti- 
fully eiuimeled  on  the  outer,  and  appropriate  memorials  of 
James  engraved  upon  the  inner,  case.  It  came  back  with  these 
endearing  associations  as  a  surprise  on  a  New  Year's  Day. 
Subsequently,  after  the  death  of  my  wife,  her  photograph  was 
added.  The  chain  was  a  present  from  Governor  Fish,  on  the 
occasion  of  his  leaving  the  Executive  chair.  This  history  of 
a  family  souvenir  will  enable  you  to  judge  how  sensibly  its 
loss  was  felt,  and  witli  what  grateful  joy  its  return  was  wel- 
comed. 

Thuklow  Weed. 


216  Sklections  from  the  I^ewspaper 

A  POLITICAL  REVIEW. 

A.  D.  1S75. 


The  Causes  of  the  Republican  Defeat. 


A  letter  to  v.  w.  smith  —  the  third  term  the  trap  into 

which    the  party  has  fallen GRADUAL  CONTRACTION  AND 

THE  RESUMPTION  OF  SPECIE  PAYMENTS,  THE  TRUE  FINANCIAL 
POLICY RECONSTRUCTION  STILL  A  DIFFICULT  POLITICAL  PROB- 
LEM   OLD-TIME    STATESMEN    NEEDED THE    DEMOCRATS    NOT 

YET   TO    BE    TRUSTED    WITH    POWER. 

To  the  Editor  of  The  N.  Y.  Tribune : 

Sir  :  An  accident  from  which  I  have  now  nearly  recovered 
has  delayed  for  ten  days  the  article  with  whicli  I  threatened 
yon.  It  takes,  as  you  see,  the  form  of  a  letter  to  an  old  per- 
sonal friend.  I  try  to  think  that,  should  it  find  its  way  into 
The  Tribune,  some  of  its  topics  may  interest  your  readers.'  " 

Very  truly  yours, 

Thurlow  Weed. 
New  York,  February  16,  1875. 

Thxu'low  Weed  to  Yivus  W.  Smith. 
Dear  old  Friend  :  Harriet  read  to  me  yesterday  morning 
your  letter  to  Speaker  Blaine  explanatory  of  the  causes  which 
have  overthrown  the  Republican  party.  I  listened  to  every 
word  with  intense  interest.  It  is  very  able,  and,  in  my  judg- 
ment, for  the  most  part,  very  wise.  I  greatly  wish  that  the 
Republican  city  journals  would  re-publish  it,  for  it  could  not 
fail  to  do  much  good.  The  causes  you  assign  for  our  last  Fall's 
disastrous  defeat  are  quite  sufficient  for  the  overthrow  of  any 
dominant  party  held  responsible  by  the  people  for  pervading 
financial,  commercial,  manufacturing,  and  mechanical  derange- 
ment and  distress.  And  yet  this  general  stagnation  in  business 
was  inevitable,  resulting  as  it  did  from  the  exhaustive  conse- 
quences of  a  long  and  expensive  war.  While  no  administration 
could  have  averted  the  evils,  ours,  it  must  be  admitted,  failed 


■  Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  217 

to  do  much  that  might  have  been  done  to  relieve  and  mitigate 
them. 

It  might,  also,  in  doing  some  things  and  in  omitting  to  do 
others,  have  calmed  rather  than  exasperated  popnlar  feeling. 
The  administration  was  serionsly  weakened  and  wonnded  by 
the  Congressional  "  back  pay  grab,"  by  Treasnry  Department 
imbecilities,  by  Sanborn  contracts,  and  by  Washington  City 
Government  frauds. 

THE    THIRD    TERM    THE    GREAT    STUMBLING-BLOCK. 

Still  another  and  damaging  element  entered  into  the  canvass 
of  1871.  I  refer  to  it  reluctantly,  and  only  because  if  we  earn- 
estly intend  to  recover  our  lost  ascendancy  we  must  clearly 
understand  the  causes  of  our  defeat,  tliat  abuses  may  be 
reformed,  errors  corrected,  and  illusions  dispelled.  When  the 
press  began  to  agitate  about  a  "  third  term,"  few,  if  any,  sup- 
posed that  such  an  idea  was  seriously  entertained.  No  such 
thought  found  responsible  expression.  But  the  agitation  con- 
tinued until  considerable" popular  solicitude  was  awakened.  As 
the  elections  approached.  Republicans  grew  apprehensive  and 
anxious.  Republican  members  of  Congress  not  only  wrote  to, 
but  visited  Washington  in  the  hope  of  being  authorized  to  con- 
tradict the  accusation.  But  no  word  was  spoken,  no  sign  given 
by  the  only  person  who  could  l^y  the  utterance  of  a  single  sen- 
tence have  disarmed  his  opponents  and  re-assured  his  friends. 

Tliere  has  not  been  a  day  or  an  hour  since  General  Wash- 
ington's enlightened  and  patriotic  views,  enforced  and  fortified 
by  the  strong,  clear,  and  conclusive  arguments  of  General 
Hamilton,  were  submitted  to  the  people,  that  any  President, 
however  wise,  useful,  and  popular  may  have  been  his  adminis- 
tration, could  have  secured  or  approached  an  election  for  a 
"  third  term."  Nor  was  it  ever  alleged  that  Jefferson,  Madi- 
son, Monroe,  or  Jackson  (who  served  two  terms),  either  per- 
mitted their  friends  to  entertain  such  an  idea,  or  deluded 
themselves  with  such  an  aspiration.  If  there  be  any  thing 
unalterably  fixed  and  determined  in  the  American  mind  and 
heart  —  if  there  be  any  one  principle  to  which  our  people  have 
anchored,  it  is  the  "  third  term "  example  of  Washington. 
And  I  am  devoutly  thankful  that  there  is  so  much  left  of  the 
teachings  of  our  political  fathers  to  which  their  descendants 

28 


218  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

cling.  These  things,  added  to  the  causes  which  you  so  clearly 
present,  both  explain  and  excuse  the  feeling  which  found 
expression  through  the  ballot-box,  against  the  administration. 

The  Republican  party,  for  the  good  work  it  had  done  before 
and  during  the  rebellion,  ought  to  have  held  the  government 
at  least  one  or  two  Presidential  terms  longer.  The  Democratic 
party,  both  on  account  of  its  misrule  before  and  ifs  disloyalty" 
"during  the  rebellion,  justly  forfeited  the  confidence  of  "the  peo- 
ple. Nor  has  it  evinced  since  the  rebellion  any  thing  of  the 
wisdom  which  formerly  characterized  that  great  party.  On 
the  contrary  its  teachings  and  tendencies  justify  apprehension 
that  a  malign  element,  now  as  heretofore,  exerts  a  preponderat- 
ing influence  in  its  councils.  Connecticut,  for  examj^le,  having 
returned  a  Democratic  Legislature,  elects  a  United  States 
Senator,  whose  sentiments  and  proclivities  were  against  the 
government  in  its  struggle  to  suppress  the  rebellion.  I  am 
happy  to  admit,  however,  that  our  own  Legislature  did  not 
make  itself  obnoxious  to  this  charge.  Its  Senator,  Mr.  Ker- 
nau,  though  always  a  pronounced  Democrat,  was  loyal  to  the 
government  and  the  Union,  voting  in  Congress  with  his  loyal 
Democratic  colleagues,  Ganson,  Nelson,  Odell,  and  Steele,  for 
men  and  money  to  prosecute  the  war.  It  will  be  useful  in  our 
recuperative  efforts,  to  remember  that  the  Republican  adminis- 
tration was  beaten  in  1874:,  not  by  the  augmented  strength  of 
its  opponents,  but  by  the  alienation  and  a23athy  of  its  friends. 

RESUMPTION   OF    SPECIE    PAYMENTS. 

Could  you  and  I  confer  personally  on  the  great  questions  of 
the  day,  our  differences  of  opinion  now,  as  heretofore,  would 
be  found  very  slight.  I  believe  the  resumption  of  specie  pay- 
ments entirely  practicable  within  a  reasonable  time,  and  with- 
out serious  injury  to  the  industries  of  the  country.  It  is  not 
so  much  that  specie  is  required  for  general  use  or  circulation 
as  that  the  people  should  be  assured  that  specie  can  be  obtained 
when  it  is  actually  needed.  A  general  determination  to  resume 
would  go  more  than  half  way  toward  its  accomplishment. 
There  is  more  sense  and  truth  in  the  remark  that  "  the  way  to 
resume  is  to  resume,"  than  at  first  meets  the  eye.  Our  real  and 
only  serious  difficulty  relates  to  our  foreign  creditors,  the  hold- 
ers of  our  bonds,  and  those  from  whom  we  purchase  luxuries. 


Aktioles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  219 

There  are  modes,  however,  of  dealing  with  both  of  these  ques- 
tions. Let  Congress,  for  instance,  pass  a  law  imposing  dnties 
on  silks,  velvets,  jewelry,  wines,  etc.,  limited  in  its  operations 
to  two  years ;  that  would  virtually  prohibit  during  that  period 
their  importation,  and  resumption  follows  without  an  effort. 
The  home  obstacles  to  resumption  are  largely  artificial,  pro- 
duced by  the  few  who  profit  at  the  expense  of  the  many. 
Usurers  and  speculators  are  interested  in  keeping  up  the  "  rate 
of  usance  "  on  gold. 

The  New  York  Gold  Exchange  Board  is  the  heaviest  drag 
in  the  way  of  resumption.  If  the  transactions  of  that  Board 
were  hona  fide,  if  that  Board  went  no  further  than  to  purchase 
and  sell  the  gold  recpiired  to  pay  duties  and  buy  exchange,  no 
objections  would  he  heard.  But,  whatever  may  be  the  theory 
on  which  the  Board  is  based,  its  practice  is  in  conflict  with  it. 
The  real,  every-day  business  of  the  Board  is  sj>eculatwe. 
Gentlemen  meet  tliere  to  make  bets  upon  the  fluctuating  price 
of  imaginative  gold,  the  intrinsic  value  of  which  does  not,  in 
the  remotest  degree,  enter  into  the  transaction.  And  yet, 
unfortunately,  the  standard  value  of  gold  is  assumed  and  gov- 
erned throughout  the  country  by  the  quoted  prices  in  the  New 
York  Gold  Board,  while  the  millions  of  sales  reported  would, 
if  scrutinized,  dwindle  down  to  thousands. 

Then,  as  you  truly  say,  comes  the  gold  sent  to  Europe  for 
luxuries.  The  evidences  of  this  infatuation  are  flaunted  before 
our  eyes  upon  the  Fifth  avenue,  at  balls,  receptions,  operas,  and 
wherever  else  fashionable  ladies  "  most  do  congregate."  There 
are  10,000  IsTew  York  ladies  whose  costumes,  when  in  full 
dress,  cost  at  least  $1,000  each.     Fifteen  years  ago  the  same  , 

number  of  fashionable  ladies  would  have  appeared  adorned  / 

quite  as  attractively  at  an  average  expense  of  $250.  Ten 
thousand  children  under  ten  years  of  age  are  now  elaborately 
and  fantastically  arrayed  at  an  expense  from  $100  to  $150 
each,  while  the  children  of  wealthy  citizens,  fifteen  years  ago, 
were  simply  but  appropriately  attired  at  an  expense  of  $20  or 
$25.  And  it  is  painful  to  reflect  that  in  consequence  of  this 
lavish  expenditure  upon  a  class  that  never  earned  a  dollar, 
there  are  other  tens  of  thousands  without  employment,  and 
suffering  for  fuel,  food,  and  raiment.  And  last,  though  not 
least,  are  the  millions  of  gold  sunk  by  Americans  who  idle 


'^ 


220  SELECTioisrs  from  the  I^ewspaper 

away  both  their  time  and  tlieir  money  in  Enroi3e.  Ireland  is 
not  now  the  only  conntry  demoralized  by  absenteeism.  Tliese 
great  abnsesand  follies  reformed,  nothing  would  be  easier  than 
the  resumption  of  specie  payments. 

Nor  does  resumption  in  any  case  necessarily  involve  onerous 
contraction.  We  have  a  strongly  protected  and  uniform  nation- 
alized currency.  For  all  domestic  uses  that  currency  is  just  as 
good  as  gold  and  silver.  It  is  even  better  than  the  debased 
metallic  currency  of  Austria.  And  when  the  fact  shall  have 
been  established  that  this  paper  can  be  converted  into  gol4  and 
silver,  the  people  will  prefer  the  bank-notes,  leaving  the  gold 
and  silver  to  meet  the  foreign  demand.  The  President  struck 
a  chilling  blow  at  resumption  by  advocating  the  prohibition  of 
all  notes  under  five  dollars.  Resumption,  coupled  with  such  a 
prohibition,  would  be  indefinitely  postponed,  for  the  people 
would  never  consent  to  be  deprived  of  the  small  notes  of  . 
solvent  specie  banking-banks. 

GRADUAL  CONTRACTION  FAVORED. 

Anxious  as  I  am  for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments,  I 
would  not  seek  it  by  turning  the  financial  screws  so  tightly  as 
to  arrest  and  paralyze  business  enterprises,  upon  the  healthy 
working  of  which  the  prosperity  of  all  classes  depends. 
England,  as  a  consecpience  of  her  protracted  wars,  waited 
patiently  more  than  twenty  years  for  the  opportunity  of  resum- 
ing specie  payments  without  deranging  her  great  manufactur- 
ing and  commercial  interests,  or  distressing  her  people.  We, 
however,  can,  if  we  will,  re-establish  our  national  credit  much 
sooner.  Indeed,  had  Congress  and  the  Treasury  Department 
paved  the  way,  and  the  people  with  one  mind  bravely  deter- 
mined it  should  be  so,  the  resumption  of  specie  payments 
might  have  been  hailed  as  the  signal  and  crowning  glory  in 
the  approaching  celebration  of  the  Centennial  Anniversary  of 
our  national  independence. 

Worse  than  all  other  evils  and  follies,  if  possible,  has  been  the 
blind,  reckless,  and  criminal  squandering  of  the  public  domain. 
Most  prominent  among  the  bad  legacies  bequeathed  to  the 
country  by  Mr,  Greeley,  is  the  Homestead  law.  But  I  must 
do  his  memory  justice  by  saying  that,  in  his  zealous  and 
persistent  advocacy  of  the  Homestead  law,  he  believed  that  he 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  221 

was  serving  the  "  toiling  millions,"  for  whose  prosperity  and 
elevation  he  ever  labored.  And  yet  how  few,  how  very  few, 
of  those  "  down-trodden  millions  "  ever  possessed  themselves 
of  what  he  regarded  as  their  greatest  boon  and  blessing.  The 
Homestead  law,  so  far  as  its  most  popnlar  featnre  is  concerned, 
has  proved  a  failnre  and  a  delusion.  Things  which  cost  noth- 
ing are  but  slightly  valued.  There  would  have  been  a  larger 
number  of  actual  settlers  growing  up  in  industry  and  develop- 
ing injto  usefulness  and  prosperity,  as  farmers,  mechanics,  and 
artisans,  under  the  law  which  furnished  lands  from  the  public 
domain  to  actual  settlers  at  $1.25  an  acre,  than  has  been 
secured  under  the  plausible  Congressional  idea  of  "  voting 
every  man  a  farm/' 

If  the  public  domain  had  been  preserved,  we  should  now  have 
in  the  proceeds  of  that  rich  inheritance,  as  we  had  after  our 
war  for  independence,  our  war  with  England  in  1812,  and  our 
earlier  Indian  wars,  a  fund,  sufficient  not  only  to  pay  the 
annual  interest  of  our  debt,  but  idtimately  to  retire  the  debt 
itself.  I  never  objected  to  liberal  appropriations  of  land  from 
tlie  public  domain  to  aid  the  construction  of  needed  railroads 
fTn'ough  that  domain.  Such  aid,  limited  to  meritorious  enter- 
prises, was  wise  and  beneficent.  But  the  abuses  and  squander- 
ings of  the  system  have  been  alike  discreditable  to  the  govern- 
ment, and  disastrous  to  the  public  welfare.  The  land  given 
to  aid  the  construction  of  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad,  for 
instance,  was  not  only  sufficient  to  complete  the  enterprise,  but 
continues  to  be  a  soui'ce  of  large  income  to  that  company- 
Untold  millions,  in  the  form  of  "  Land  Grabs,"  which  ought  to 
have  been  reserved  for  the  uses  of  the  government,  have  gone 
to  enrich  speculators  and  capitalists.  If  Congress,  in  its  alac- 
rity to  dispossess  the  country  of  its  domain,  had  reserved  to 
the  government  one-half  or  even  one-fourth  of  all  precious 
metals,  minerals,  and  coals,  a  handsome  fund  would  have  been 
"Tcscued.  -=— -    -  -- 

NATIONAL    PROSPERITY    FROM    A    PROTECTIVE    TARIFF. 

All  you  say  on  the  subject  of  a  protective  tariff  is  historically 
true.  I  can  never  forget  the  high,  prosperous  and  palmy  con- 
dition of  our  country  under  the  benign  influences  of  a  wise 
protective  tariff  from  1818  until  1836,  when  the  Democracy  of 


232  Selections  feom  the  Newspaper 

the  !N^orth,  to  strengthen  and  perpetuate  its  political  affiliations 
with  the  South,  began  to  agitate  in  favor  of  a  "  judicious  tariff.'' 
During  the  administrations  of  James  Monroe  and  John  Quincy 
Adams,  the  welfare  of  our  people  and  the  strength  of  our  gov- 
ernment were  promoted  and  augmented  by  an  enlightened 
national  policy.  All  our  interests  moved  forward  harmoni- 
ously. All  the  industries  of  the  country  thrived.  The  farmer, 
the  mechanic,  the  manufacturer,  the  merchant,  the  importer, 
and  the  capitalists  found  themselves  working  together  with  a 
reciprocal  interest  and  to  mutual  advantage.  While  all  our 
domestic  occupations  proved  abundantly  remunerative,  our 
canvas  —  the  canvas  of  our  own  well-laderi  ships  —  whitened 
every  ocean  and  sea.  And  amid  all  this  individual  prosperity 
and  happiness,  the  nation  was  advancing  by  rapid,  strides  to 
wealth  and  power.  The  national  debt  was  paid  off,  after 
which  the  surplus  proceeds  of  the  public  domain  accumulated 
so  rapidly,  and  became  so  large,  as  to  create  apprehensions  that 
it  might  become  dangerous  to  the  integrity  and  stability  of  the 
government.  If  we  had  that  domain  now  unbroken,  to  fall 
back  upon,  it  would  jDrove  stronger  to  our  government  as  a 
financial  resource  than  is  the  Bank  of  England  to  the  British 
Crown.  But  those  golden  days  and  halcyon  hours  exist  only 
in  remembrance.  History  will  not,  I  fear,  in  reference  to  a 
protective  tariff,  and  certainly  cannot  in  regard  to  a  squandered 
public  domain,  "  repeat  itself."  And  unhappily  the  statesmen 
to  whose  wisdom,  industry,  and  patriotism  the  country  was 
then  indebted  for  its  wholesome  laws,  have  passed  either  from 
earth  or  into  private  life.  Much  as  I  desire,  and  greatly  as  we 
need,  a  wisely  adjusted  tariff,  I  see  no  way  of  obtaining  it  until 
successors  in  the  Administrative  and  Congressional  Depart- 
ments of  the  government  equal  to  the  crisis  and  the  emergency 
are  found. 

STATESMEN    OF    PURE    CHAEACTEE    NEEDED. 

]^or  dare  I  anticipate  such  happy  changes  until  the  fearful 
demoralization  occasioned  by  a  war  of  unprecedented  magni- 
tude has  worked  out  its  evil  mission,  nor  until  suffrage,  now 
cheapened  and  degraded,  rising  to  the  intelligence,  discrimina- 
tion and  dignity  of  earlier  and  better  days,  asserts  its  preroga- 
tive in  the  elevation  of  representatives.     For,  let  it  be  widely 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  223 

understood  tliat  the  experience  and  teachings  of  a  repnbhcan 
form  of  government  prove  nothing  so  alarmingly  suggestive  of 
and  pregnant  with  danger,  as  that  cheap  suffrage  involves  and 
entails  cheap  representation.  But  for  the  "  good  time  "  which 
it  is  to  be  hoped  is  "  coming,"  we  must  wait  patiently  for  a 
generation  that  will  return  to  Congress  such  men  as  Henry 
Clay  and  John  J.  Crittenden,  from  Kentucky ;  Daniel  Web- 
ster and  John  Davis,  from  Massachusetts  ;  Timothy  Pitkin 
and  Truman  Smith,  from  Connecticut ;  George  Evans,  from 
Maine  ;  Horace  Everett,  from  Yermont ;  Albert  H,  Tracy, 
Francis  Granger,  Millard  Fillmore,  and  Thomas  C.  Love,  from 
New  York  ;  Samuel  L.  Southard  and  Theodore  Frelinghuysen, 
from  ISTew  Jersey ;  John  Sargent  and  Horace  Binney,  from 
Pennsylvania ;  John  W.  Clayton,  from  Delawai-e  ;  Willis  P. 
Mangum  and  Edward  Stanley,  from  North  Carolina ;  John 
Bell  and  Bailie  Peytcm,  from  Tennessee ;  Elisha  Whittlesey, 
Thomas  Ewing,  Joseph  Yance,  Thomas  Corwin,  and  Samuel 
F.  Yinton,  from  Ohio,  and  Edward  Bates,  from  Missouri. 

While  I  agree  and  sympathize  with  you  in  all  possible  efforts 
to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  laboring  classes,  by  securing  to 
them  steady  employment  with  remunerative  wages,  I  am  quite 
sure  that  you  will  agree  with  me  in  reprobating  the  combina- 
tions and  influences  which  seek  to  extort  through  trades-unions 
the  largest  possible  amount  of  money  for  the  smallest  possible 
equivalent  in  labor.  Ten  and  eight  hour  systems,  and  the 
"  strikes  "  consequent  upon  them,  have  been  a  most  prolific 
source  of  mischief  and  evil,  pecuniary  and  social,  to  the  labor- 
ing classes.  The  despotism  of  these  "  unions "  has  become 
unendurable.  Master  mechanics  are  not  permitted  to  l.ibor  in 
their  own  workshops.  Less  than  half  the  number  of  bricks 
formerly  laid  by  journeymen  are  now  arbitrarily  held  to  be  a 
day's  work.  And  the  number  of  apprentices  by  whom  trades 
are  to  be  learned  is  limited  and  fixed,  not  by  master  mechanics, 
but  by  the  "  unions."  In  a  few  years,  therefore,  we  shall  be 
wholly  dependent  upon  foreigners,  subject  to  the  control  of 
trades-unions,  for  our  mechanical  labor. 

Meantime,  thousands  of  boys  who  ought  and,  but  for  the  evil 
influences  just  referred  to,  would  have  been  learning  trades, 
by  means  of  which  they  would  become  useful  citizens,  are 
either  variously   seeking   precarious  support  from  temporary 


224  Spxections  feom  the  Newspaper 

employments,  oi-  by  unavoidable  idleness  acquiring  habits 
wliicli  consign  tliem  to  our  houses  of  refuge  and  penitentiaries. 
There  are  at  this  moment  hundreds  of  fatliers  and  other  hun- 
dreds of  widowed  mothers  looking  in  anguish  and  despair 
upon  the  fate  which  awaits  their  sons  —  a  fate  wliich,  but  for 
the  tyranny  of  unions  in  preventing  boys  from  becoming 
apprentices,  might  be  averted.  Heretofore  the  intelligence, 
enterprise,  public  spirit,  patriotism,  and  virtue,  personal,  politi- 
cal, social,  and  moral,  of  the  mechanical  classes  have  been  our 
boast  and  pride.  Through  these  agencies  villages  have  grown 
into  cities,  and  our  cities  developed  into  wealth  and  power.  I 
knew  nothing  in  early  life  of  these  miserable  eight  and  ten 
hour  systems,  and  I  owe  whatever  I  have  since  enjoyed  of 
success  and  consideration,  to  the  habit  as  an  apprentice,  a 
journeyman,  and  a  small  beginner  on  my  own  account,  of 
devoting  from  eleven  to  twelve  hours  a  day  diligently  and 
cheerfuU}^  to  active  and  healthful  physical  labor. 

What  we  want  first  is  a  governmental  policy.  State  and 
ISTational,  which  will  place  the  necessaries  of  life  within  the 
reach  of  the  laboring  classes  at  prices  that  ranged  through  the 
forty  years  preceding  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion.  Con- 
sequent upon  such  a  change,  labor  would  be  in  free  demand  at 
rates  which  could  not  be  injuriously  affected  by  the  exactions 
of  caj)ital  on  the  one  hand,  or  by  pernicious  trades-union  des- 
potism on  the  other.  Let  it  be  remembered  always  that  the 
real  purpose  of  these  combinations  —  for  which  we  are  unhap- 
pily indebted  to  the  worst  specimens  of  Enghsh,  French,  and 
German  radicalism  —  is,  first  as  "Socialists"  and  then  as 
"  Communists,"  to  sow  the  seeds  of  agrarianism  and  infidelity 
among  us.  These  insidious  enemies  to  all  that  is  good  and 
virtuous  and  hopeful,  affect  the  welfare  of  the  laboring  classes. 
And  yet  not  one  of  these  agitators  is  found  laboring  himself 
or  seeking  employment  for  others,  except  through  agencies  that 
derange  and  embarrass  the  industries  upon  which  the  mechani- 
cal and  laboring  classes  must  ever  rely  for  employment  and 
support. 

DIFFICULTY    OF    RECONSTRUCTION. 

Reconstruction,  from  the  beginning  a  most  diflicult  problem, 
has  been  embarrassed  by  a  want  of  wisdom  at  Washington, 
and  by  embittered  memories  in  the  South.     The  disorganized 


Articles  of  Tiiuelow  Weed.  225 

condition  of  the  Southern  States  has  attracted  there  bold  and 
unscrupnlons  Northern  adventurers,  who,  associating  with  dis- 
banded and  demoralized  soldiers,  have  remained  to  devas- 
tate a  conquered  country.  These  wretches  have  iniiicted 
upon  South  Carolina,  Florida,  Louisiana,  etc.,  etc.,  the  worst 
possible  specimens  of  State  government.  At  the  infamies  per- 
petrated in  these  and  other  rebel  States,  civilization  blushes. 
And  yet  those  who  suffer  from  carpet-bag  dishonesty  and 
oppression  are  themselves  largely  to  blame  for  it.  When 
rebellion  was  conquered,  if  the  white  inhabitants,  ^nelding  to 
the  inevitable  and  recognizing  their  former  slaves  as  freedmen, 
had  treated  them  kindly  and  offered  them  employments  with 
reasonable  wages, -the  designs  of  carpet-baggers  would  have 
been  thwarted.  ^  I  affirm  this  because  there  is  undeniable  evi- 
dence that  in  localities  where  the  law  of  kindness  prevails, 
where  masters  endeavored  to  conciliate  their  former  slaves, 
they  were  uniformly  successful,  and  that  in  such  localities  not 
only  nothing  is  heard  of  a  "  war  between  races,"  but  reconstruc- 
tion has  been  practically  accomplished.  These  instances  of  good 
sense  and  forbearance,  I  regret  to  saj'^,  are  exceptional.  For 
the  most  part  those  who  rushed  into  a  rebellion  to  divide  the 
Union  are  now  as  aggressive  and  defiant  as  they  were  when 
Fort  Sumter  was  fired  upon.  Unable  to  establish  a  Confed- 
erate government,  they  seemed  determined  to  avenge  them- 
selves upon  the  freedmen,  who,  but  for  the  madness  and  folly 
of  their  masters,  would  have  still  remained  in  bondage. 

The  "■  White  Leagues  "  of  Louisiana  were  only  too  accur- 
ately described  by  General  Sheridan.  Such  organizations  are 
not  needed  to  subserve  the  purj^oses  of  good  government. 
They  are  banded  together  to  hunt,  hound,  and,  if  needs  be, 
murder  the  negroes.  Reconstruction,  therefore,  seems  as  difficult 
and  distant  as  it  was  at  the  close  of  the  war.  Georgia,  always  less 
ultra  and  more  practical  than  South  Carolina  or  Alabama,  has 
re-established  law  and  order.  ITorth  Carolina,  infamously  gov- 
erned for  two  or  three  years,  seems  now  to  be  doing  better. 
That  United  States  soldiers  are  required  in  some  excited  sec- 
tions to  protect  freedmen  cannot  be  doubted.  The  officers  in 
command  should  be  men  of  intelligence  and  prudence,  acting 
only  when  the  duty  is  clearly  imperative.  In  Louisiana  there 
has  been  nothing  but  misrule,  disorder,  fraud,  corruption, 
29 


226  Selections  from  the  ^^Tewspapek 

anarchy  and  violence  from  tlie  close  of  tlie  war.  It  is  difficnlt 
to  ascertain  wliicli  party  or  what  faction  is  the  worst.  General 
Grant  was  not,  I  fear,  fortunate  in  his  early  appointments  of 
Federal  officers ;  nor  do  I  believe  the  Kellogg  government 
wortli}^  of  tlie  sacrifices  required  to  maintain  it.  The  Congres- 
sional Committee  recently  in  Kew  Orleans  may  find  a  remedy 
for  the  evils,  which  have  so  long  scourged  that  fertile  and  rich 
but  miserably  distracted  State. 

THE    OLD    WHIG    ELEMENT    AT    THE    SOUTH. 

I  cherished  the  hope,  .when  peace  was  restored,  that  the  old 
Whigs  of  tlie  South,  some  of  whom  reluctantly  consented  to 
secession,  and  nearly  all  of  wliom  were  forced  into  rebellion, 
would  form  a  nucleus  for  reconstruction.  There  was  a  numer- 
ous band  of  enlightened  and  patriotic  Whigs  who  resisted 
nullification,  and  who  for  ten  or  fifteen  years  afterward,  by 
boldly  opposing  the  encroachments  and  aggressions  of  Southern 
Democrats,  bridged  over  many  dangers,  and  prevented  a  catas- 
trophe until  ultra  men  and  malign  councils  North  and  South 
precipitated  secession  and  rebellion.  The  Union  had  no  truer, 
or  bolder,  or  more  devoted  friends  through  all  its  political  trials 
for  twenty-five  years  than  the  Whigs  of  the  South,  whose  rep- 
resentative men  were  distinguished  alike  for  talents,  integrity, 
and  patriotism.  Prominent  among  these  eloquent  and  earnest 
friends  of  the  Union  were  William  C.  Preston,  of  South  Caro- 
lina ;  William  A.  Graham,  Lewis  Williams,  and  Kenneth 
Raynor,  of  North  Carolina ;  John  Taliaferro,  Alexander  H.  H. 
Stuart,  and  John  M.  Botts,  of  Yirginia  ;  William  C.  Dawson, 
Thomas  Butler  King,  and  James  L.  Seward,  of  Georgia ;  John 
White  and  James  T.  Morehead,  of  Kentucky ;  Meredith  P. 
Gentry,  Christopher  H.  Williams,  and  Joseph  L.  Williams,  of 
Tennessee.  That  Whig  element  bound  Tennessee  and  Ken- 
tucky to  the  Union,  and  but  for  adverse  influences  would  have 
held  North  Carolina  and  Yirginia,  thus  so  narrowing  the 
boundaries  of  rebellion  as  to  have  greatly  lessened  its  horrors. 
I  am  even  yet  unwilling  to  relinquish  the  hope  that  the  Whig 
spirit  of  the  South  will  re-assert  itself,  and,  uniting  with  con- 
genial Northern  sympathies,  work  out  wholesome  results. 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  227 

financial  matters expansion  admissible. 

I  had  hoped  that  Congress  would  be  able  to  reach  and 
remove  some  of  the  causes  which  paralyzed  the  business  inter- 
ests of  the  country  —  something  that,  as  Spring  advances, 
would  give  life  and  elasticity  to  trade,  and  restore  all  classes  to 
their  accustomed  occupations.  If  this  object  can  only  be 
reached  by  expansion,  I  cannot  but  think  that  even  that 
dreaded  alternative  is  preferable  to  the  dead  ccdiii  which  has 
caused  all  our  material  interests  to  stand  still  for  more  than  a 
year.  I  make  this  concession  because  I  have  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  we  can  resume  specie  payments  without  distressing 
the  laboring  classes  by  stringent  "  contraction." 

V  THE    CIVIL    RIGHTS    BILL. 

Too  much  of  the  time  of  Congress  has,  I  fear,  been  con- 
sumed by  the  Civil  Rights  bill  —  a  bill,  in  its  general  scope 
and  purpose,  of  questionable  wisdom.  All  has  been  done  by 
Constitutional  Amendments  and  Congressional  enactments  that 
is  necessary  to  place  freedmen  upon  a  perfect  equality  with 
our  own  race.  "  Life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  " 
has  been  guaranteed  to  them  as  to  us.  They  are  free  to  enter 
upon  an  open  and  fair  field,  competing  with  ns  upon  equal 
terms  for  all  the  advantages  and  compensations  of  industry  and 
enterprise.  We  enjoy,  in  common,  all  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges, and  are  subjected  to  all  the  duties  and  responsibilities 
conferred  and  imposed  by  the  constitution  and  the  laws.  The 
disabilities  of  the  freedmen,  if  they  are  to  be  regarded  as  dis- 
abilities, are  providential,  and  cannot  be  relieved  by  human 
laws.  The  Almighty  created  two  distinct  races,  giving  to  each 
a  country  and  a  climate  adapted  to  their  respective  organiza- 
tions. If  one  race  has  been  more  favored  than  the  other,  if, 
too,  one  race  has  been  cruelly  oppressed  by  the  other,  it  is  for 
some  inscrutable  reason,  into  which  it  would  be  presumptuous 
to  inquire.  But,  so  far  as  our  country  is  concerned,  the 
wrongs  of  the  subjugated  race  have  been  avenged.  We  have 
converted  slavery  into  freedom,  elevated  chattels  into  citizens. 
We  have  extended  to  the  freedmen  all  the  personal  and  politi- 
cal rights  we  possess  ourselves.  Further  we  cannot  go.  Social 
equality  is  alike  impracticable  and  impossible.  When  we 
reach  this  point  a  "higher  law"  comes  in  —  a  law  which  no 


228  Selections  from  the  JS'ewspaper 

human  enactments  can  annul  —  a  law  whicli  will  remain  in 
full  force  and  effect  until  white  becomes  black,  or  black  becomes 
white.  All  enactments,  however  stringent,  and  with  whatever 
penalties,  designed  arbitrarily  to  constrain  social  equality,  will 
prove  abortive.  Tliey  cannot  be  enforced.  Laws  to  compel 
social  equality  among  ourselves  would  prove  equally  ineffectual. 
Indeed,  nothing  would  be  regarded  as  more  absurd  and  pre- 
posterous than  an  attempt  to  regulate  social  intercourse  by 
statute  laws.  Society  has  its  own  laws,  unwritten  to  be  sure, 
but  clearly  defined  and  well  understood.  These  laws  are 
founded  in  good  sense,  are  adapted  to  the  condition  of  all 
classes,  and  all  classes  recognize  and  accept  them. 

the   DEMOCKATIC    party    and    the    PRESroENCY. 

I  do  not  believe  it  expedient  or  safe,  witli  the  existing  organ- 
izations and  proclivities  of  the  Democracy,  to  intrust  that  party 
with  supreme  power.  I  do  not  say  this  in  a  partisan  spirit,  for 
at  ni}^  time  of  life,  and  with  the  views  and  feelings  I  entertain 
and  cherish,  I  desire  nothing  but  to  see  the  government  of  my 
country  well  and  wisely  administered.  I  should  have  learned 
little  from  the  political  ordeals  through  which  I  have  passed, 
if,  toward  the  close  of  a  long  life,  I  were  to  attriljute  all  that  is 
bad  to  one  party,  and  all  that  is  good  to  another.  I  would 
prefer  the  election  of  an  enlightened  and  honest  Democrat  as 
President  to  the  elevation  of  an  incapable  Republican  of  equiv- 
ocal integrity.  When  I  speak  of  an  honest  and  enlightened 
Democrat,  I  have  in  my  mind  some  such  men  as  General  Han- 
cock or  General  Ward,  some  time  Minister  to  China  from 
Jjreorgia;  or,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  form  an  opinion  of 
his  ability  and  character.  Governor  Newton  Booth,  the  newly- 
elected  Senator  from  California.  But  with  the  purposes  and 
passions  of  the  Democracy,  ISTorth  and  South,  its  nominee  for 
President  is  not  likely  to  belong  to  that  category  ;  and  hence 
I  ardently  hope  that  the  Republican  party  will  so  far  re-assure 
the  people  of  its  devotion  to  their  prosperity  and  the  welfare 
of  our  country  as  to  be  able  to  elect  a  capable,  experienced, 
and  inflexibly  honest  man  as  our  next  President. 

Of  the  chances  and  probabilities  of  our  being  able  to  recover 
in  1876  the  ground  lost  in  1874,  I  cannot  form  a  trustworthy 
opinion,  for,  as  you  know,  I  have  been  in  constrained  retire- 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  229 

meiit  for  more  than  six  years.  I  am,  therefore,  without  the 
information  and  opportunities  upon  which  an  intelligent  esti- 
mate can  be  safely- based.  We  must  have  constant  access  to  the 
public  journals  from  all  sections  of  the  Union,  and  as  con- 
stantly inhale  a  political  atmosphere,  to  be  enabled  to  perceive 
and  comprehend  "  events  which  cast  their  shadows  before." 
You  and  I  worked  together  as  Whig  and  Rej)ublican  journal- 
ists for  nearl}^  forty  years.  We  had  something  to  do  all  that 
time,  in  forming  and  informing  parties  and  peoples.  And 
when  the  candidates  of  both  parties  were  in  the  field,  the  issues 
clearly  taken,  and  the  canvass  in  progress,  we  almost  invariably 
\  foresaw  the  result  of  important  elections.  But,  although  you 
are'several  years  my  junior,  we  are  both  in  the  "  sere,  the  yel- 
\  I  low  leaf  of  life."  We  must  leave  to  others,  therefore,  the 
y  duties  and  responsibilities  which  were  formerly  confided  to  us. 
Instead  of  lagging  like  a  superannuated  actor  "  superfluous  on 
the  stage,"  it  becomes  me  to  accept  the  situation  incident 
to  old  age  and  its  infirmities.  But,  while  a  kind  Providence 
spins  out  the  attenuated  thread  of  life  and  preserves  my  facul- 
ties, I  cannot  become  wholly  indifterent  to  the  welfare  of  my 
country.  While  in  the  world  we  must,  to  some  extent,  be  of 
it.  I  hope,  however,  not  to  be  seen  or  heard  obtrusively,  and 
^'''iliat  in  my  bushel  of  chaff  some  kernels  of '  wlieat  may  be 

found.  " T.  W. 

I*^EW  York,  January  30,  1875. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON'S  EETURN  TO  THE  U.  S. 

SENATE. 

A.  D.  1875. 


WHY     THE     EETURN     OF     THE     EX-PEBSIDENT    TO    POLITICAL     LIFE 

SHOULD     NOT     BE     REGRETTED INFIRMITIES    AND    REDEEMING 

TRAITS A    SENTINEL  AT  THE  DOOR    OF    THE    TREASURY. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune : 

Sir  :     The    "  whirligig  of    time,"    it   seems,    has   returned 
Andrew  Johnson  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States !     This 


230  Selections  feom  the  ISTewspapee 

result  indicates  a  mnddled  condition  of  political  sentiment 
in  Tennessee.  And  yet  I  cannot  regard  tlie  matter  from 
jonr  point  of  view.  There  is  a  lesson  in  the  shifting  fortnnes 
of  this  remarkable  man  which  may  be  read  advantageously. 
There  is  inherent  strength,  if  not  intrinsic  worth,  in  the  char- 
acter of  a  man  who,  after  sinking  out..pf  sight  covered  with 
obloquy,  not  only  rises  to  the  surface,  but  resumes  his  position 
"aTs  a  Senator  in  Congress!  I  cannot  bring  myself  to  regret 
Andrew  Johnson's  return  and  I  will  endeavor  briefly  to  tell 
you  why. 

First,  I  remember  with  lively  gratitude  his  brave  devotion 
to  the  Government  and  IJnion  from  the  beginning  to  the  end 
of  the  Rebellion,  "When  other  Southern  Senators  advocated 
secession  and  threatened  disunion,  Andrew  Johnson  rebuked 
and  denounced  them.  When  the  overt  act  of  rebellion  was 
committed,  he  pronounced  treason  a  crime,  invoking  the  pun- 
ishment due  to  traitors. 

I  was  a  good  deal  with  Yice-Fresident  Johnson,  in  company 
with  the  late  Preston  King,  immediately  after  the  assassina- 
tion of  President  Lincohi.  I  know  that  his  first  solicitude 
was  to  ascertain  and  carry  out  the  policy  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  I 
know  that  he  went  to  the  White  House  with  that  determina- 
tion. He  inherited  the  political  hostilities  which  had  already 
assumed  formidable  proportions  in  the  Senate  against  Mr. 
Lincoln,  but,  unfortunately,  he  did  not  inherit  Mr.  Lincoln's 
temper  or  tact.  Before  President  Johnson  had  uttered  one 
syllable,  or  had  done  one  act  subjecting  him  to  the  just 
censure  of  Pepublicans,  he  was  assailed  by  Senators  Sumner, 
Wade,  Chandler,  etc.,  and  denounced  in  leading  Republican 
journals.  At  that  crisis  I  had  anxious  interviews  with  him, 
and  while  he  did  not  conceal  his  sense  of  the  injustice  of  these 
assaults,  he  avowed  and  reiterated  his  determination  to  "  fight 
the  question  out,  in  the  Republican  party."  Subsequently,  and 
on  several  occasions,  I  had  earnest  conversations  with  him  in  rela- 
tion to  his  views  and  policies,  and  I  am  free  to  say  that  I  left 
him  on  those  occasions  with  a  high  sense  of  his  ability  and 
wisdom,  and  with  unwavering  confidence  in  his  integrity  and 
patriotism.  And  yet  that  wise  m^n  —  for  such,  under  the 
guidance  of  judgment  and  reason,  he  really  was  —  during  the 
progress  of  events  was  bereft  of  both,  and  became  the  victim 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  231 

of  passion  and  unreason.  I  met  him  at  Albany  while  '•'  swing- 
ing round  the  circle,"  and  endeavored  in  a  brief  interview  to 
show  him  that  men,  in  a  popular  sense,  were  like  flies,  and 
that  more  of  them  conid  be  caught  with  honey  than  with  vin- 
egar. In  other  words,  I  suggested  that,  when  during  his  toiir 
e  was  called  upon  by  his  constituents  for  speeches,  instead  of 
"hitting  out  right  and  left"  against  Congress,  Congress  not 
being  there  to  reply,  he  might  find  objects  and  works  of 
improvement  and  progress  to  admire  and  commend,  in  which 
his  audience  would  be  interested.  I  urged  that  speeches 
consisting  of  Orator  Choate's  "glittering  generalities"  would 
prove  more  acceptable  to  his  hearers  and  far  safer  for  himself, 
than  all  the  anathemas  he  could  fidminate  against  his  enemies. 
But  he  was  aggressive  and  belligerent  to  a  degree  that  ren- 
dered him  insensib'le  to  considerations  of  prudence,  and  those 
common-sense  qualities  which,  under  other  auspices,  were 
marked  traits  in  his  character.  And  thus  he  proceeded  on  his 
evil  mission  through  many  States,  dealing  blows  right  and  left, 
which  neither  hit  nor  harmed  anybody  but  himself  and  his 
friends.  His  speeches  strongly  reminded  me  of  the  dog  in 
Dombey  and  Son,  who  was  forever  "barking  round  the  cor- 
ner at  an  enemy  he  had  never  seen." 

""Returning  to  Washington,  the  spirit  of  antagonism  intensi- 
fiedj  he  became  the  victim  of  a  delusion  wiiich  provoked  and 
precipitated  his  impeachment.  And  yet,  when  his  trial  came, 
nothing  was  proved  to  require  or  justify  his  conviction.  He 
was  impeached  as  men  are  not  unfrequently  indicted  —  upon  a 
general  but  vague  popular  idea  that  they  have  been  guilty  of 
something  and  ought  to  be  punished.  And  so  President  John- 
son, serving  out  his  accidental  term,  exasperating  his  enemies 
and  mortifying  his  friends,  passed  into  a  retirement  from 
which  no  one  supposed  he  would  ever  emerge.  Nor  could 
any  common  man  have  dug  himself  out  of  a  pit  so  deep  and 
dark  as  that  into  which  he  had  fallen.  Andrew  Johnson's 
defects  are  constitutional.  With  his  loss  of  temper,  reason 
and"  "common  sense  depart.  His  belligerency  on  the  stump 
while  working  his  way  up  to  place  and  power  was  effective, 
but  when  the  highest  position  in  the  government  had  been 
attained,  other  qualities  and  elements  of  mind  and  tempera- 
ment were  needed.     And  here  President  Johnson's  deiicien- 


I  / 


232  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

cies  became  disastrously  conspicuous.  Striking  upon  this 
rock,  his  political  fortunes  were  wrecked.  But  underlying  his 
intinnities  of  temper,  there  are  strong  redeeming  traits  of 
character  —  traits  which,  in  tlie  estimation  of  the  people,  fit 
him  for  public  usefulness.  And  this  conviction  —  a  conviction 
of  which  the  people  of  Tennessee  themselves  were  scarcely 
conscious  —  furnishes  a  solution  to  the  problem  of  his  most 
unexpected  return  to  public  life.  I  cannot,  therefore,  I  re- 
peat, regard  this  apparently  capricious  result  in  a  simply  amus- 
ing or  ludicrous  aspect.  It  is  suggestive  and  significant. 
There  was  method  in  the  madness  of  the  Tennessee  Legis- 
lature. If  Andrew  Johnson,  oblivious  to  the  bad  passions  and 
worse  record  of  his  last  two  years  of  Presidential  experience, 
comes  back  to  Congress  the  representative  of  his  earlier  and 
better  days,  not  only  Tennessee,  but  the  whole  conntry,  will 
have  reason  to  rejoice  iif  his  political  resurrection.  Andrew 
Johnson,  like  his  colleague,  George  W.  Jones,  from  the.  same 
State,  was  for  long  years  a  sentinel  at  the  door  of  the  Treas- 
ury. Their  voices  and  their  votes  were  ever  and  with  flint- 
like inflexibility  heard  and  recorded  against  "  jobs  and  grabs  " 
"oT  every~^scription.  Such  men  were  never  more  needed 
than  now  in  Congress.  Every  honest  Senator  and  Hepresent- 
ative  added  to  those  who  can  be  counted  npon  to  stand  up 
firmly  against  claims  and  combinations  with  which  the  public 
Treasury  is  menaced,  should  be  welcomed  and  cherished,  irre- 
spective of  party,  by  all  the  friends  of  good  government. 
New  York,  January  29,  1875.  T.  W. 


HOW  EMIGKANTS  WEKE  ROBBED  BEFORE  THE 
BOARD  OF  EMIGRATION  WAS  ESTABLISHED 
IN  TLIE  CITY  OF  NEW  YORK. 

[From  the  N.  Y.  Herald,  1875.] 


A  Herald  reporter  paid  a  visit  yesterday  afternoon  to  Mr. 
Thurlow  Weed,  and  found  him  in  the  midst  of  a  number  of  little 
boys  and  girls  to  whom  he  was  distributing  oranges  and  ^andy. 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  233 

Their  little  faces  were  beainiiig  with  pleasure  as  they  toddled 
off  with  their  allowance,  which,  it  appears,  they  are  in  the 
habit  of  receiving  every  week.  When  Mr.  Weed  learned  the 
object  of  the"irEEALD  reporter's  mission  he  very  courteously 
made  the  following  statement,  giving  his  views  on  the  Emigra- 
tion Commission  : — 

Mr.  A¥eed  stated  :  —  "  Before  the  law  passed  by  which  Castle 
Garden  was  made  a  landing  place,  the  head  money  was  paid  to  the 
Connnissioners  of  Alms-houses  and  was  in  part  devoted  to  sup- 
port pauper  emigrants,  but  it  was  alleged  it  was  also  largely  used 
for  political  purposes.  There  was  no  form  of  protection  for  emi- 
grants, who  became'  an  easy  prey  to  emigrant  boarding-house 
keepers  and  emigrant  runners,  by  both  of  whom  they  were 
mercilessly  deceived  and  defrauded.  The  boarding-house  keeper 
andrunner  business  was  so  protitable  that  men  of  unscrupulous 
character,  but  of  courage  and  intelligence,  became  engaged  in  it. 
Those  who  remained  in  the  city,  unless  they  were  fortunate 
enough  to  obtain  employment,  soon  became  paupers  or  thieves. 
Those  whose  destinations  were  westward  were  compelled  either 
to  pay  extortionate  prices  for  tickets  or  were  deceived  with 
worthless  ones.  Large  numbers  reached  Albany  daily  who  sup- 
posed  they  had  paid  their  passage  either  upon  the  Erie  or  Cham- 
plain  canal  to  their  various  destinations  and  found  themselves 
with  utterly  worthless  tickets.  At  Albany,  as  in  New  York, 
there  was  a  large  combination  of  adroit  runners  who  contrived 
to  get  what  was  left  to  the  emigrant  by  their  confederates  in  New 
York.  I  saw  and  heard  much  of  the  wrongs  and  sufferings  of 
emigrants  at  Albany,  and,  aided  by  two  or  three  friends,  endeav- 
"ored  to  protect  them  against  the  sharks.  Having  denounced 
them  by  name  in  the  Eotning  Journal  I  was  immediately 
plastered  with  suits  for  libel.  Two  or  three  lawyers  of  dis. 
reputable  character  became  counsel  for  the  thieves.  I  was 
one  day  recpiired  to  appear  at  the  same  hour  befoi'e  three 
different  magistrates  —  one  in  the  city  and  two  in  adjoin- 
ing towns.  I  came  to  New  York  in  the  hope  of  induc- 
ing the  municipal  government  to  interpose  its  protec- 
tion, but  found  little  or  no  disposition  to  aid  the  emigrant. 
Meantime  the  Legislature  assembled  and  I  determined  to  see 
30 


\J 


234  Selections  from  the  N^ewspaper 

wliat  could  be  cloiie  in  that  direction.  Preliminarily  I  con- 
ferred with  Bisliop  Hnghes,  Robert  B.  Mintnrn,  and  Andrew 
Carrigan  —  eminently  good  citizens,  now  deceased.  The  bill 
for  the  protection  of  emigrants  wliicli  was  introduced,  encoun- 
tered the  opposition  of  the  Mayor  (Fernando  Wood),  and  the 
Common  Council.  As  it  was  progressing  through  the  Assem- 
bly, a  committee  consisting  of  three  Democrats  and  two  Whigs, 
was  sent  to  Albany  to  oppose  its  passage.  The  Whig  members 
of  that  committee  were  Abraham  Wakeman  and  Thomas 
McElrath,  both  of  whom,  after  a  very  brief  interview,  saw  that 
they  had  utterly  misconceived  the  character  and  object  of  the 
bill,  and  immediately  returned  to  ]S"ew  York.  The  city  gov- 
ernment, however,  strengthened  themselves  by  sending  John 
Van  Buren  to  Albany.  The  city  delegation,  being  Demo- 
cratic, sympathized  with  the  Mayor  and  Common  Council. 
There  was,  however,  one  honorable  exception  —  John  E.  Dev- 
liuj  always  true  to  the  impulses  of  justice  and  humanity  —  who 
gave  his  support  to  the  bill,  and  carried  it  through  the  Assem- 
bly, aided  largely  in  his  good  work  by  the  zeal  and  efforts  of 
the  late  Judge  Harris,  who  was  chairman  of  the  committee  to 
which  it  was  referred.  In  the  Senate  it  encountered  a  still  more 
determined  opposition,  and  but  for  the  casting  vote  of  a  Demo- 
cratic Lieutenant-Governor  (the  Hon.  Addison  Gardiner,  of 
Rochester),  it  would  have  been  lost.  The  first  Emigrant  Commis- 
sioners who  were  named  in  that  law  were  men  of  the  highest, 
purest,  and  most  benevolent  character.  Among  them  I  remem- 
ber Gulian  C.  Yerplanck,  Robert  B.  Minturn,  David  C. 
Colden,  William  C.  Havermeyer,  and  Andrew  Carrigan. 
These  gentlemen  set  themselves  to  work  battling  the  emigrant 
boarding-house  keepers,  the  emigrant  runners,  scalpers,  etc., 
who  were  aided  by  the  Mayor  and  his  minions,  amid  the  perils 
of  ship  fever,  with  the  courage  of  martyrs  and  the  tenderness 
of  Sisters  of  Charity.  After  a  struggle  of  several  months,  in 
which  all  the  enemies  of  the  emigrant  were  discomfitted  and 
an  end  put  to  their  plunderings  and  robberies,  their  operations 
were  transferred  to  Europe,  where  for  a  few  months  they  were 
successful  in  palming  worthless  American  railway,  steamer,  and 
canal-boat  tickets  upon  emigrants  departing  from  the  various 
ports  in  Europe.  The  Commissioners,  on  learning  that  the 
runners   had   established    themselves   abroad,    sent   an   agent 


Articles  of  Thurlow  "Weed.  235 

(Hobert  Murray),  to  Europe,  fortified  with  letters  from  Gov- 
"ernor  Marcy,  tlieu  Secretary  of  State,  who,  in  less  than  three 
months,  routed  the  rascals  in  every  port  where  they  had 
established  theniselves.  And  now,  for  more  than  ten  years 
the  Emigrant  Cominissioners,  by  the  facilities  Castle  Garden 
has  aftorded,  have  protected  the  emigrants  from  robbery ; 
have  furnished  them  not  only  with  all  the  information 
they  desired,  but  with  tickets  throughout  the  Union  and 
to  Canada,  by  the  most  ""cRrect  routes  and  at  the  lowest 
practicable  rates  ;  while  from  the  passenger  tax  those  splendid 
edifices  and  institutions  which  furnish  education  to  the 
orphans,  and  support  to  the  infirm  and  sick,  without  expense 
to  the  city,  were  erected.  The  vacancies  that  occurred  in  the 
Board  of  Emigrant  Commissioners  during  the  administration 
of  Governors  Fish,  Hunt,  King,  and  Morgan,  were  filled  with 
gentlemen  of  the  highest  character,  by  whom  the  eificiency  and 
usefulness  of  tlie  Board  was  continued.  Subsequently,  how- 
ever, partisan  influences  crept  in,  and  the  usefulness  of  the 
Board  was  thus  impaired.  But  in  1872,  Governor  Dix,  by  the 
appointment  of  an  excellent  non-partisan  commission,  restored 
the  character  of  the  Board.  I  regard  the  decision  of  the  United 
States  Court,  if  it  should  have  the  effect  of  breaking  up  the 
Emigrant  Commission,  as  a  great  calamity,  the  evils  of  which 
will  not  only  be  felt  throughout  our  own  country,  but  subject 
the  citizens  of  the  Old  World  who  will  hereafter  seek  homes 
among  us,  to  a  renewal  of  the  scenes  of  plunder  and  rapacity 
which  disgraced  our  city  and  State  previous  to 'the  passage  of 
the  law  which  established  Castle  Garden  as  a  landing  depot  for 
emigrants.  I  cherish  the  hope  that  this  great  wrong  may  be 
averted  by  some  action  of  our  Legislature." 


236  Selections  from  the  I^ewspapee 

THE  BIBLE  m  SCHOOLS. 

[Prom  the  New  York  Coraniercial  Advertiser,  April  15,  18T0.] 


To  the  Editor  of  the  New  Yorh  Times  : 

I  read  with  equal  interest  and  approval  your  very  able  vin- 
dication of  the  Bible  for  schools.  Regarding  the  argument  on 
this  subject  as  both  conclusive  and  exhausted,  I  desire  to  call 
the  attention  of  all  who^  realize  its  importance  to  a  practical 
and  immediate  way  of  introducing  the  Bible  into  schools. 
Sixty  years  ago  a  class-book  entitled  The  Beauties  of  the  Bible 
was  in  use  in  the  schools  of  the  l^orth  River  counties.  The 
selections  from  the  Bible  were  made  by  Ezra  Sampson,  of 
Hudson,  and  were  not  only  unexceptionable,  but  excellent.  I 
say  with  a  clear,  calm,  full  conviction,  that  no  child,  however 
perverse,  belonging  to  a  class  in  which  The  Beauties  of  the 
Bible  was  read  daily,  failed  to  be  improved  by  it.  As  the  seed 
of  the  sower — most  of  which  fell  upon  stony  ground,  yet  some 
kernels  took  root — -sprang  up  and  bore  fruit,  so  was  it  with  this 
book.  Though  even  unconscious  of  it,  some  of  the  lessons  or 
influences  told  favorably  upon  the  future  of  all.  What  child, 
for  example,  however  bad,  could  resist  all  the  useful  lessons, 
touching  incidents  and  beautiful  morals  of  the  "  Story  of 
Joseph  ?  " 

My  main  object,  however,  in  this  brief  communication,  is  to 
call  the  attention  of  school  officials  (including  my  friend  S.  S. 
Randall),  trustees  of  children's  asylums,  homes,  etc.,  of  parents 
and  of  guardians,  to  the  Beauties  of  the  Bible,  an  obsolete 
book,  copies  of  which,  however,  can  probably  be  hunted  up  by 
Leggett  and  other  "  old  book  "  collectors  in  Nassau  street.  Let 
this  book  be  generally  restored  to  our  primary  schools,  and 
there  will  be  found  in  the  rising  generations  better  men  and 
better  women.  The  selections  make  a  volume  of  27Y  pages, 
with  a  preface  and  dissertation  of  twelve  pages.  I  have  a  copy 
published  by  Tracy  &  Bliss,  of  Lansingburgh,  forty-eight 
years  ago,  which  is  at  the  service  of  any  school  officers  or 
teachers  who  may  want  to  see  it.  T.  W. 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  23Y 

THE  EELIGIOITS  KEYIVALISTS  —  MOODY  AND 
SANKEY. 

A.  D.  1875. 


THAT    WONDERFUL    POWER    OF    THE    REVIVALISTS    OF    THE    HIPPO- 
DROME   AN  ENTHUSIASM,  OR  AN  INSPIRATION  THAT  LIFTS  THEM 

ABOVE    THE  PLANE  OF  THE  MERELY  INTELLECTUAL. 

Tliurlow  Weed  sat  alone  in  his  pleasant  parlor  yesterday, 
when  a  Sun  reporter  called  on  him.  His  large  arm  chair  was 
drawn  close  to  a  window  overlooking  a  broad  plat  of  vacant 
ground.  The  soft  light  falling  through  the  window  panes  npon 
his  head  made  his  frosted  hair  fairly  radiant,  and  his  deeply- 
sunken  eyes  sparkled  beneath  their  bnshy  brows.  Pnlling  a 
chair  up  close  in  front  of  his  own  for  his  visitor,  Mr.  Weed 
leaned  his  head  on  his  hand,  pressing  three  fingers  npon  his 
lips,  an  attitude  he  frequently  takes  when  meditating. 

"I  have  come,  Mr.  AYeed,"  said  the  reporter,  "to  ask 
whether  you  are  willing  to  talk  about  the  Hippodrome  meet- 
ings, in  which  you  are  understood  to  be  deeply  interested." 

Mr.  Weed  thought  a  moment  and  then  replied,  with  a  smile 
that  made  his  face  really  beautiful :  "  Yes,  sir ;  I  am  willing 
to  talk  about  those  meetings  and  the  impressions  they  have 
made  upon  my  mind.  I  have  been  very  much  interested  in 
them.  The  wonderful  power,  and  the  directness  and  the 
eifectiveness  of  Moodj^'s  preaching  have  struck  me  very  forci- 
bly, but  I  have  been  still  more  interested  in  Sankey's  singing. 
That  I  consider  quite  marvelous.  The  voices  of  so  many  per- 
sons joining  with  him  iirsTiiging  produce  an  effect  that  is  very 
pleasing  to  me.  I  am  not  personally  acquainted  with  either  of 
the  gentlemen,  but  I  consider  their  power  for  good  to  be  very 
great.  Mr.  Moody's  preaching  has  qualities  in  it  that  are  not 
found  in  the  preaching  oi  some  of  our  educated  ministers. 
His  earnestness  and  directness,  and  his  wonderful  power  of 
illustration,  lead  one  to  meditate  seriously  on  religious  subjects. 
I  go  to  the  meetings  every  day  more  or  less  favorably  im- 
pressed with  the  work  of  those  two  men.  The  directness  of 
Moody's  anecdotes  gives  great  eifectiveness  to  his  preaching. 
You  may  have  heard  him  tell  the  story  of  two  young  men, 


238  Selections  from  the  Newspapek 

strangers  to  eacli  other,  who  were  put  into  the  same  room,  and 
when  they  went  to  bed,  although  both  desired,  yet  neither 
dared  to  kneel  and  pray,  for  fear  of  the  possible  ridicule  of 
his  companion.  The  second  night  they  could  endure  it  no 
longer,  and  botli  knelt,  and  afterward  followed  explanations  of 
how  shame  for  their  religion  had  led  them  to  neglect  the  per- 
formance of  the  duty  that  their  consciences  required  of  them. 

TELLING  A  STORY  WITH  EFFECT. 

"  The  story  of  the  irreligious  family,  one  of  whose  members 
— -a  son  —  becoming  interested  in  the  Sunday  school  had  his 
convictions  awakened,  ancl- afterward  was  the  means  of  convert- 
ing his  mother,  Moody  tells  in  such  a  way  that  the  effect  of  it 
is  very  powerful.  Another  of  Moody's  illustrations  that  has 
interested  me  very  much  he  gave  the  other  night  when  talking 
about  the  trial  of  Christ  before  Pilate.  '  Let  us  now  suppose,' 
said  lie,  '  that  we  are  conducting  the  trial  right  here.'  And 
then  he  went  on  and  illustrated  so  clearly  the  insufficiency  of 
the  evidence  against  the  Saviour  before  a  court  of  justice,  that 
the  minds  of  all  keenly  appreciated  the  points  he  made.  At 
times  he  is  very  eloquent.  If  you  were  at  the  meeting  last 
night  you  must  have  been  moved  by  his  prayer.  He  seemed 
to  be  carried  right  forward,  and  prayed  with  an  earnestness  and 
a  power  that  were  really  very  effective. 

"  I  do  not  know  how  he  got  his  fund  of  anecdotes  and  his 
power  of  illustration.  As  you  know,  he  is  an  unlettered  man, 
and  yet  there  are  few  highly  educated  ministers  who  could 
produce  the  effect  that  he  does.  Both  he  and  Sankey  seem  to 
be  inspired  with  an  enthusiasm,  or  a  magnetism  —  I  don't 
know  what  to  call  it  —  which  lifts  them  above  the  intellectual 
level  in  which  they  are  placed. 

"  Carrying  the  principle  into  literature  we  see  the  same 
thing.  I  have  wondered  often  where  Shakespeare  got  that 
power  which  enabled  him  to  write  his  wonderful  plays.  He 
had  no  advantages  that  could  have  raised  him  above  the  edu- 
cated men  of  his  time.  What  was  there  in  his  intellectual  cul- 
ture that  could  put  him  head  and  shoulders  above  them  all  ? 
He  was  in  some  way  inspired  with  such  power  that  the 
brains  of  all  the  men  of  his  age  and  of  the  ages  that  have  suc- 
ceeded it,  aggregated,  would  not  make  a  Shakespeare. 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  239 

"  Moody's  power  of  bringing  ont  clearly  the  points  lie  makes 
is  very  great.  Last  night,  I  think  it  was,  he  spoke  of 
Cln-istians  being  ashamed  of  their  religion,  and  contrasted  it 
with  the  boldness  with  which  those  whom  he  called  the  wor- 
shipers of  the  devil  avowed  their  irreligion,  and  seemed  to 
take  pride  in  their  sinfulness.  How  true  it  is ;  you  see  men 
who  use  oaths  apparently  glorying  in  the  display  of  their 
wickedness,  and  yet  I  have  never  —  I  am  an  old  man  —  and  I 
have  never  heard  that  point  brought  out  so  clearly  before . 

THE  GREATEST   MOVEMENT  OF  THE  CENTURY. 

"  There  has  been  no  such  movement  as  this  in  the  relio-ious 
world,  I  was  going  to  say,  within  the  present  century.  There 
have  been  men  who  have  stirred  communities,  and  Whitfield 
and  some  others  have  exerted  great  power  over  large  bodies  of 
men.  About  fifty  years  ago  there  was  a  young  man  named 
Summerfield  in  this  country,  who  had  wonderful  poM-er  as  a 
preacher.  He  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  but  his  intellect  wore 
out  his  body.  He  literally  preached  himself  to  death.  He 
used  to  get  so  enthusiastic  and  energetic  in  his  preaching  that 
the  blood  would  spurt  into  his  mouth  while  he  was  talking. 
With  these,  and  a  few  other  exceptions,  there  has  been  no 
great  religious  movement  like  this  since  the  beginning  of  the 
century  —  certainly,  not  within  forty  years. 

"  The  work  of  Moody  and  Sankey  is  naturally  of  that  kind 
that  is  especially  effective  with  the  unlettered  multitude- 
And  this  is  a  point  I  have  thought  a  good  deal  about.  The 
Hippodrome  audiences  are  composed  largely  of  persons  of 
wealth  and  of  intellectual  culture.  The  success  of  Moody  and 
Sankey  in  England  has  raised  them  above  the  heads  of  the 
millions.  Unless  care  is  taken  in  the  management  I  am  afraid 
that  the  work  here  may  partially  fail  because  the  poorer  classes 
are  not  reached.  The  Hippodrome  meetings  should  be  made 
more  democratical  and  not  so  aristocratical.  The  attention  of 
the  managers  needs  only  to  be  called  to  this  point,  and  they 
can  remedy  it.  Dr.  Hall  is  very  wise,  and  he  and  Mr.  Dodge, 
and  the  other  gentlemen  who  have  generously  furnished  the 
large  amount  of  money  required  to  fit  up  the  Hippodrome  so 
admirably  and  carry  on  the  meetings,  can  reach  the  poorer 
classes  and  bring  them  in.     Some  poor  people  manage  to  push 


240  Selections  from  the  ISFewspapee 

their  way  in  now,  bnt  generally  the  building  is  largely  filled 
up  by  wealthy  and  educated  persons.  The  poor  should  be 
gathered  in  as  they  were  at  the  wedding  feast  of  which  we 
read  in  the  Scriptures,  where  the  master  of  the  feast,  annoyed 
at  the  neglect  of  his  wealthy  friends  who  had  been  invited  to 
come,  ordered  his  servants  to  go  ont  into  the  streets  and  gather 
in  the  lame,  the  halt,  the  blind,  and  the  poor.  That  is  what 
shonld  be  done  here ;  the  poor  should  be  gathered  in  to  the 
meetings.  If  the  work  fails  in  this  respect  it  will  be  the  fault 
of  the  management.  It  is  not  too  late  for  this  to  be  done.  I 
have  intended  to  talk  to  Dr.  Hall  and  the  managers  about  it, 
bnt  have  been  nnable  to  do  so,  but  I  will  do  it  yet.  Dr.  Hall 
is  very  wise,  and  they  will  be  able  to,  gather  in  the  poorer 
classes. " 

THE  POOR  SHOULD  BE  REACHED. 

"  How  would  you  suggest  that  the  work  should  be  done, 
Mr.  "Weed?" 

"  The  ministers  will  be  able  to  accomplish  it  easily  when 
their  attention  is  called  to  it.  They  have  made  the  meetings 
almost  too  respectable.  The  Hippodrome  has  been  filled  from 
the  churches  and  not  from  the  worst  classes.  No  doubt  much 
good  is  done,  but  the  poor  should  be  reached  also.  In  England, 
you  know,  Moody  and  Sankey  held  their  services  in  open 
fields  and  parks,  where  great  masses  were  reached.  Here  in 
winter,  of  course,  the  meetings  must  be  held  under  cover,  and 
probably  the  Hippodrome  is  as  good  as  any  other  place  for 
them ;  but  the  poor  should  be  specially  induced  to  attend 
them,  and  I  believe  they  will  be.  Probably  the  crisis  of  the 
work  is  coming  here,  and  the  result  in  'New  York  will  deter- 
mine how  it  is  to  be  received  generally.  I  am  not  prepared  to 
say  that  if  it  should  fail  it  would  have  a  demoralizing  effect 
on  society.  I  do  not  think  it  would.  I  think  things  would 
settle  back  to  their  old  order.  But  if,  as  I  believe  it  will,  it 
succeeds,  the  result  will  exert  an  influence  all  over  the  country 
in  all  the  relations  of  life,  and  people  will  await  and  be  pre- 
pared to  receive  it. 

"These  two  men  have  wonderful  power.  Sankey  is  as 
remarkable  as  Moody,  and  that  is  a  curious  circumstance,  that 
two  men,  representing  two  intellectual  elements,  should  be 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  241 

thus  conjoined.  I  do  not  think  that  Moody  would  be  able  to 
exert  the  influence  he  does,  or  to  draw  such  audiences,  without 
Sankej's  singing.  Yet  there  is  no  art  in  the  latter.  It  is  not 
the  result  of  culture,  but  an  enthusiasm,  an  inspiration,  like 
the  other's  preaching." 

MR.    weed's    convictions. 

"  Mr.  Weed,  what  is  your  own  personal  experience  ? " 
"  Of  that  I  do  not  choose  to  speak  inore  than  generally.     I 
niust  answer  alone  for  my  personal  convictions.     I  have  never 
/been  what  is  called  a  religious  man,  although  I  have  been  im- 
/  pressed  with  religious  convictions.     I  have  never  made  any  pro-  / 

'  fegsion  of  religion,  and  do  not  do  so  now,  but  I  am  very  much 
interested  in  the  i^ieetings,  and  attend  them  with  great  pleas- 
ure. They  interest  and  comfort  me,  and  I  feel  happier  for 
attending  them."    ; 

Mr.  Weed  took  pleasure  in  speaking  of  the  meetings,  and 

/      sometimes  in  describing  the  great  power  of  the  services  his 

face  lighted  up  and  his  eyes  sparkled  with  animation.     As  the 

reporter  was  about  to  go   Mr.  Weed   suddenly  said,  with  a 

bright  smile  : 

\"  Oh,  I  called  on  Commodore  Vanderbilt  to-day,  and  talked 
to  him  about  the  meetings.  He  said  he  had  not  attended 
them  because  he  was  not  in  very  good  health  and  did  not  like 
,to  go  out,  but  he  said  he  would  go." 


CAKAL  FRAUDS. 

A.  D.  1875. 


AN  ALLY  FOR  GOV.  TILDEN  IN  HIS  WARFARE  WITH  CANAL  PLUNDER- 
ERS   MONEY  ENOUGH  STOLEN  FROM  THE  CANAL  FUND  TO  HAVE 

CONSTRUCTED    A  SHIP  CANAL    FROM  LAKE    ERIE  TO  THE    HUDSON 

RIVER A    STATE  COMPTROLLER    A    SENTINEL    AT  THE    DOCK  OF 

THE  TREASURY. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune : 

Sir  :  John  Randolph  once   began  a   speech  in  Congress  by 
asking   for  "  the  patience,    the  pardon  and  the  pity"  of   the 
81 


242  Selections  from  the  I^ewspapek 

House  for  so  frequently  trespassing  upon  its  time.  I  feel  that 
I  ought  to  ask  your  "  pardon"  for  so  soon  trespassing  upon  the 
"  patience"  of  your  readers.  I  certainly  did  not  intend  or 
expect  again  to  obtrude  niyself  upon  the  public  attention  ;  but 
Gov.  Tilden's  message  in  relation  to  canal  frauds  opens  a  door 
so  widely  and  so  invitingly  that  I  cannot  resist  the  temptation 
to  speak.  The  Governor  has  undertaken  a  herculean  task.  I 
can  conceive  of  no  motive  for  thus  bearding  a  powerful  combi- 
nation, than  a  desire,  in  protecting  the  CanalFund,  to  discharge 
his  duty  to  the  people  and  the  State  as  their  and  its  Chief 
Magistrate.  To  discharge  that  duty  effectually  he  will  need 
the  assistance  and  co-operation  of  all  thoughtful,  independent 
and  honest  citizens.  In  exposing,  as  he  has  done,  the  recently 
perpetrated  frauds,  his  work  and  duty  have  only  begun.  The 
past  cannot  be  retrieved,  but  guaranties  can  be  provided  for  the 
future.  While  I  never  contemplated  a  contingency  that  would 
draw  me  to  the  support  of  Gov.  Tilden,  I  cheerfully  take  my 
position  with  him  in  this  conflict. 

The  Governor  contents  himself  by  exposing  one  of  the 
modes  by  means  of  which  the  canal  revenue  has  been  fright- 
fully defrauded.  Deceptive  bids  for  contracts,  while  by  no 
means  a  new  device,  have  reached  perfection  only  within  the 
last  few  years.  With  the  collusion  of  State  officers  this  was 
the  easiest,  simplest,  and  most  profitable  process.  But  as  the 
Governor  has  courageously  demanded  full  and  thorough  investi- 
gation, it  is  alike  important  and  desirable  that  the  other 
modes  of  depleting  the  State  Treasury  should  be  inquired  into. 
At  an  earlier  day,  and  for  25  or  30  years,  old  contractors,  after 
making  all  the  money  they  could  through  incompetent  or  un- 
trustworthy engineers  and  Commissioners,  resorted  to  the 
Legislature  for  "  relief."  Their  claims,  skillfully  manipulated, 
went  from  the  Legislature  either  to  the  Canal  Board  or  the 
Board  of  Canal  Appraisers.  If  tlie  Committee  to  which  the 
Governor's  message  may  be  sent  does  its  whole  duty,  it  will 
ascertain  what  amount  of  money  has  been  paid  to  satisfy  these 
demands  upon  the  Canal  Fund,  and  then  b}^  assuming,  what 
from  my  knowledge  of  the  character  and  history  of  those  claims 
will  be  a  low  estimate,  that  50  per  cent  of  the  aggregate 
amount  was  fraudulent,  the  people  will  learn  how  much  the 
State  has  lost  by  misguided,  if  not  dishonest  legislation. 


Aetioles  of  Thukloav  Weed.  243 

To  me  this  is  no  new  question.     I  was  involved  in  a  perpet- 
ual warfare  with  canal  plunderers  from  1830,  when  TKeEifen- 

'~uig  Journal  was  established,  until  mj_rejtirement  in  1864.  In 
nominating  State  officers  we  always  remembered  that  the 
Lieutenant-Governor,  the  Comptroller,  the  Secretary  of  State, 
the  Attorney-Ueueral,  and  the  Treasurer,  with  the  Canal  Com- 
missionerTconstituted  the  Canal  Board,  and  therefore  endeavored 
to'find  candidates  of  proverbial  integrity  for  these  offices.  In 
most  cases,  as  their  recoMs  will  show,  we  were  successful. 
When,  however — as  occurred  in  some  instances — weak  or 
unworthy  Whig  State  officers  had  been  chosen,  care  was  taken 
tcrpfevent  their  renominatlon.  These  discarded  men  attributed 
their  defeat  to  Evening  Journal  "  dictation,"  and  were  loud  in 
their  denunciation  of  its  editors.  Meantime  the  "  Canal  Ring" 
went  on  captin\ng  or  beguiling  commissioners,  engineers, 
superintendents,  appraisers,  and  Legislatures,  with  success  and 
impunity,  until,  in  co-operation  with  the  "  Tammany  Ring," 
under  the  demoralized  and  ill-omened  Administration  of  Gov. 
Fenton,  it  became  the  most  insidious  and  rapacious  organiza- 
tion ever  known  in  the  State.  Like  its  Tammany  namesake, 
the  "  Canal  Ring"  tampered  with  the  judicial  ballot-boxes. 
Syracuse  members  of  the  Ring  came   to  New   York  after  the 

"Judicial  election  of  1870,  and  made  an  arrangement  by  which 
Judge  Mason  was  counted  out  and  Judge  Andrews  counted  into 
the  Court  of  Appeals.     I  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  Judge 

--Andrews  himself  was  either  a  party  to  or  had  knowledge  of 
that  atrocious  fraud. 

The  rapacity  of  the  "  Canal  Ring"  became  so  apparent  that, 
in  1867  or  1868,  the  Senate  ordered  an  investigation.  The 
Committee,  of  which  Senator  Stanford,  of  Schenectady,  was 
Chairman,  found  all  the  avenues  leading  to  information  quite 
inaccessible  until  the  late  David  Mitchell,  of  Syracuse,  was 
employed  as  counsel  by  the  State.  His  residence  in  Madison 
and  Onondaga  counties  and  his  knowledge  of  the  operations  of 
the  "  Ring"  proved  alike  successful  and  important.  The  testi- 
mony then  elicited  will  be  found  useful  in  the  investigations 
the  Governor  now  calls  for.  If,  as  I  infer,  the  high  ground 
taken  by  the  Governor  has  been  maturely  considered,  and  the 
investigations  contemplated  are    to  be   fearless  and  searching, 


244  Selection's  feom  the  Newspaper 

all  who  possess  information  or  knowledge  calculated  to  assist 
those  who  are  engaged  in  it  should  come  to  the  front. 

But  for  the  "  eternal  vigilance"  of  intelligent,  independent 
and  inflexible  State  officers,  canal  contractors  would  have  long- 
since  utterly  ruined  onr  State.  I  do  not  apply  these  strong 
terms  of  approval  to  all  State  officers.  Unfortunately  there 
have  been  too  many  exceptions.  In  passing  along  the  line  of 
the  Erie  canal,  25  or  30  years  ago,  when  strangers  inquired 
who  Avere  the  owners  of  the  most  highly  cultivated  farms  and 
the  most  expensive  mansions,  their  owners  were  found  to  have 
been  either  canal  contractors,  canal  engineers,  or  canal  superin- 
tendents. To  the  occasioiial  assumption  that  there  is  nothing 
new  in  all  this,  and  that  Canal  Commissioners,  engineers, 
superintendents,  etc.,  were  always  dishonest,  I  enter  an  explicit 
denial.  It  is  utterly  uirtrue  that  this  class/of  public  officers 
were  all  and  always  corrupt ;  and  equally  untrue  that  during 
the  years  when  frauds  were  perpetrated  there  were  not  honest 
as  well  as  dishonest  Commissioners,  engineers,  etc.,  and  that  it 
was  easy  to  discriminate  between  them.  The  evidence  of  the 
truth  of  my  assertion  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  original 
Erie  and  Champlain  canals  were  constructed  and  completed 
for  an  aggregate  sum  within  the  estimates  of  the  engineers., 
While  in  those  days  public  servants  were  held  to  a  rigid 
responsibility,  there  were  very  few  allegations  of  fraud.  It 
was  said  that  in  the  large  and  expensive  contracts  at  Lockport 
the  contractors  were  too  sharp  for  Commissioner  Bouck,  who 
had  charge  of  that  section  of  the  canal.  It  was  also  said  that 
Commissioner  Holley's  accounts  and  vouchers  were  loose  and 
irregular.  The  first  legislative  investigation  was  based  upon  a 
charge  of  lavish'  expenditure  upon  the  Rochester  aqueduct, 
when  the  Assembly  appointed  a  committee  of  investigation, 
consisting  of  Azariah  C.  Flagg,  Grant  B.  Baldwin,  and  John 
Stilwell.  The  investigation  was  thorough,  but  nothing  was 
discovered  seriously  damaging  the  parties  implicated.  But 
years  afterward,  under  the  evil  auspices  of  unworthy  Com- 
missioners, engineers,  and  superintendents,  constant  and  syste- 
matic frauds  were  perpetrated,  for  most  of  which  engineers 
and  superintendents  were  responsible.  Fully  two-thirds  of  the 
Canal  Commissioners  have  been  honest  men  ;  but  in  their  State 
Engineers  the  people  have  not  been  so  fortunate,  for  while  we 


Articles  of  Thuelow  "Weed.  245 

have  liad  engineers  of  undoubted  integrity,  there  have  been  too 
many  exceptions  to  the  rule.  The  present  State  Engineer 
came  into  otfice  with  a  good  name,  but  it  is  difficult  to  suppose 
that  such  astouading  frauds  can  have  been  committed  without 
his  knowledge. 

If  the  proposed  investigation  should  be  prosecuted  in  the 
spirit  which  evidently  constrained  Gov.  Tilden  to  enter  upon 
it,  the  results  will  prove  eminently  beneficial.  In  the  aggregate 
of  frauds  committed  in  the  different  modes  to  which  I  have 
referred,  it  will  be  shown  that  money  enough  has  been  stolen 
from  the  Canal  Fund  to  have  given  us  a  ship-canal  from  Lake 
Erie  to  the  Hudson  river.  Perhaps  the  best  illustration  that 
can  be  given  of  the  difference  between  a  capable  and  honest 
administration  and  the  reverse,  will  be  found  in  the  facts  and 
figures  given  by  Gov.  Dix  in  his  messages  and  by  Compti-oller 
Hopkins  in  his  reports.  Gov.  Tilden  seems  anxious  to  follow 
in  the  financial  footsteps  of  his  predecessor,  and  in  this  praise- 
worthy effort  he  shonld  be  encouraged  and  sustained.  I^o- 
where  else  will  he  find  more  earnest  or  enlightened  co-operation 
than  in  the  present  Comptroller's  office. 

And  just  here  I  desire  to  impress  as  strongly  as  possible  upon 
the  public  mind,  of  what  vital  importance  to  tlie  financial  char- 
acter and  credit  of  the  State  and  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of 
the  people,  is  the  office  of  Comptroller.  He  holds  the  key  to 
the  Treasury,  and  while  his  control  is  not  absolute,  he  can  exert 
in  various  ways  important  salutary  influence.  It  is  the  con- 
servative power  of  the  State  Government — a  power  which, 
had  it  been  generally  confided  to  men  who  were  not  of 
sound  head  and  heart,  we  should  long  since  have  been 
shipwrecked.  I  was  myself  deeply  impressed  with  the  les- 
son I  am  now  endeavoring  to  teach  others,  when  Archibald 
Mclntyre,  in  1818,  in  rising  superior  to  personal  friend- 
ships and  political  associations,  encountered  the  denuncia- 
tions of  his  party  by  refusing  to  paj^  a  large  sum  of  money 
upon  irregular  and  insufficient  vouchers.  Thus  impressed, 
no  man'' of  doubtful  capacity  or  questionable  character  has 
ever  received  my  voice  or  vote  for  the  office  of  Comp- 
troller. Nor  are  there  many  memories  more  pleasant  than 
those  which  recall  the  names  of  Comptrollers  to  whose  appoint- 
ment or   nomination  I  was  supposed   to  have  contributed.     In 


246  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

no  way  can  I  so  conclusively  establish  tlie  truth  of  what  I  have 
asserted,  namely,  that  the  State  owes  its  financial  salvation  to 
the  capacity  and  integrity  of  its  Comptrollers,  than  by  naming 
some  of  the  eminent  men  of  both  political  parties  who  have 
held  the  office  :  Archibald  Mclntyre,  John  Savage,  William 
L.  Marcy,  Silas  Wright,  Jr.,  Azariah  C.  Flagg,  Bates  Cooke, 
Millard  Fillmore,  Washington  Hunt,  Philo  C.  Fuller,  James 
M.  Cook,  Robert  Denniston,  Thomas  Hillhouse,  William  F. 
Allen,  Asher  P.  ISfichols,  and  Kelson  K.  Hopkins.  Let  the 
people,  in  their  future  elections  of  Comptroller,  secure  the  ser- 
vice of  men  kindred  in  character  to  those  just  named,  and 
they  may  repose  upon  tile  conviction  that  the  most  important 
financial  ofiicer  in  the  State  is  discharging  the  duty  of  a  sentinel 
at  the  door  of  their  Treasury. 

New  York,  March  22,  18Y5.  T.  W. 


THE  POLITICAL  SITITATIOK 

[From  the  Allegban  (Mich.),  Journal,  May  27, 18T6.] 


Thurlow  Weed,  the  American  Warwick  or  President-maker, 
was  invited  to  the  Carl  Schurz's  Fifth  Avenue  conference  and 
listened  to  the  address.  But  the  speech  of  Charles  Francis 
Adams,  Jr.,  utterly  disgusted  the  old  man,  and  he  returned 
from  the  conference  determined  to  stick  by  the  Republican 
ship  for  another  campaign.  This  incident  is  thus  related  by 
Mr.  Weed  to  a  New  York  Herald  reporter  : 

I  differ  with  Mr.  Adams  radically  on  important  points.  He 
animadverted  severely  upon  the  course  of  the  Republicans  who 
brought  Jeff".  Davis  into  the  present  discussion,  with  the  intention 
also  of  using  him  in  the  campaign.  He  thinks  it  unwise  to  do 
so.  I  disagree  to  that.  I  propose  not  only  now,  but  all  my 
life,  to  utilize  Jeff.  Davis  and  all  men  of  his  stripe,  like  Slidell, 
Mason,  Benjamin  and  the  rest.  Senators  and  Representatives, 
and  officers  of  the  Republic.  In  this  way  I  think  Jeff.  Davis 
may  be  made  to  do  some  compensation  for  the  crimes  he  has 


Articles  of  Thueloav  Weed.  247 

coimnitted.  I  agree  with  Mr.  Adams  that  it  is  desirable  to 
bring  out  now  our  wisest,  purest,  and  most  incorruptible  men, 
and  I  am  willing  to  take  them  wherever  they  can  be  found, 
but  1  do  not  agree  with  him  that  Mr.  Tilden  has  any  claim 
upon  us.  He  did  not  come  to  the  front  in  the  hour  of  his 
country's  peril,  his  voice  was  not  heard  in  the  time  of  danger, 
and  when  money  was  needed  for  the  widows  and  orphans  Mr. 
Tilden's  purse  was  not  open.  ISTo  vote  of  mine  shall  ever  aid 
to  elect  a  President  who  was  not  in  sympathy  and  publicly 
known  to  be  a  war  man,  loyal  to  the  core,  ready  with  his  voice, 
his  influence,  and  his  means,  to  help  his  country  and  uphold 
her  flao-.     Mr.  Tilden  was  not  one  of  those. 


THE  POLITICAL  SITUATION. 

A.  D.  lo76. 


New  York,  March  25t/),  1876. 
To  the  Editors  of  the  Albany  Evening  Journal: 

Your  letter  asking  for  m}^  views  on  the  approaching  Presi- 
dential election  was  duly  received.  Although,  from  protracted 
ill-health,  I  have  been  long  withdrawn  from  active  political 
duties  and  associations,  I  am  by  no  means  insensible  or  indif- 
ferent to  the  general  welfare.  Indeed,  at  no  period  of  my  life 
have  I  been  so  anxious  about  good  government,  for  in  no 
period  of  our  history  has  reform  in  this  respect  been  so  much 
needed.  At  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war  as  at  the 
close  of  the  war  of  1812,  enlightened  and  patriotic  statesmen 
in  the  National  Government,  set  themselves  diligently  to  Avork, 
inaugurating  policies  and  enacting  laws  designed  and  calcu- 
lated, by  reviving  commerce,  establishing  manufactures  and 
promoting  agriculture,  to  restore  public  prosperity ;  while 
simultaneously  the  national  credit  was  placed  upon  a  firm 
footing,  by  a  policy  which  insured  the  payment  of  the  public 
debt.     When  all  these  beneficent  objects  were  accomplished, 


248  Selections  feom  the   ]S[ewspaper 

all  the  great  productive  interests  of  the  coiintr}^,  each  act- 
ing advantageously  npon  the  other,  were  soon  seen  in  success- 
ful and  harmonious  operation. 

We  came  out  of  the  war  with  England,  in  1815,  honorably, 
but  crippled  and  impoverished.  Except  that  the  demoraliza- 
tion was  far  less  fearful,  we  were  as  badly  off  then  as  when  the 
war  of  the  rebellion  terminated.  But  in  three  years,  with 
wise  and  good  men  at  the  helm  and  on  the  look-out,  the  ship 
of  State,  with  full  and  flowing  canvas,  liad  taken  a  new  depart- 
ure on  a  long  and.  prosperous  voyage.  A  protective  tariff,  with 
an  economical  and  honest  administration  of  the  Government 
under  James  Madison,  James  Monroe  and  John  Quincy  Adams, 
brought  palmy  days,  with  increasing  wealth  to  the  people  and 
strength  to  the  country.  Ultimately,  by  an  ill-omened  union 
:  between  democracy  and  slavery,  these  measures  and  policies 
\  I  were  repudiated.  Then  ensued  twenty  years  of  misrule,  cul- 
minating finally  in  a  rebellion  which  wiped  out  both  democracy 
and  slavery.  This  great  result,  however,  cost  much  more  than 
the  blood  and  treasure  shed  and  expended  in  its  accomplish- 
ment. The  complete  triumph  over  rebellion  did  not  "  tram- 
mel up  its  consequences."  We  are  suffering  from  wounds  no 
less  endurable  than  those  inflicted  during  the  war,  while  we  are 
threatened  with  others  in  the  form  of  "  claims "  from  rebel- 
lious States,  which  will,  if  recognized,  bring  the  Government 
to  inevitable  bankruptcy.  In  the  hope  of  forcing  these  trea- 
sonable "  claims "  through  Congress,  rebellion  affiliates  with 
Democracy.  And  thus  the  issue  for  the  approaching  Presi- 
dential canvass  is  made  up. 

The  elections  of  .1^74  resulted  in  the  return  of  ISTorthern 
Democrats  and  Southern  rebels  enougli  to  constitute  a  majority 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  These  elements  fraternized  ; 
and  the  use  they  made  of  their  power  in  "  casting  its  shadow 
before  "  teaches  a  lesson  not  likely  to  be  forgotten.  A  ^^romi- 
nent  and  zealous  traitor  whose  hatred  to  the  Union  prompted 
him  to  give  the  name  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  assassin  to  his  son,  was 
appointed  Secretary  to  the  Standing  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means,  while,  simultaneously,  twelve  maimed  Union  soldiers 
were  removed  to  make  places  for  as  many  rebel  politicians. 
With  such  a  beginning,  supplemented  by  the  speeches  of  rebel 
Generals  Gordon  and  Hill,  it  is  evident  that  Ihe  followers  of 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed,  249 

Jefferson  Davis  expect  to  recover  by  political  strategy   what 
they  lost  by  a  resort  to  arms. 

Forewarned,  therefore,  of  the  character  and  intentions  of 
their  adversaries,  the  friends  of  the  Union  ought,  and  I  doubt 
not,  will  forearm  themselves  for  the  contest.  In  view  of  the 
importance  of  that  contest  and  of  the  intensit  y  of  feeling  and 
effort  which  it  will  awaken,  it  behooves  the  Republican  party 
shaking  off  all  incumbrances,  to  seek  and  occupy  its  highest 
vantage  ground.  It  cannot  be  denied,  nor  can  we  afford  to 
conceal  the  fact,  that  the  present  Administration  has  failed  to 
justify  the  expectations  of  the  people,  or  even  to  realize  the 
hopes  of  its  best  friends.  It  was  easy  to  perceive,  at  the  close 
of  the  rebellion,  that  a  grateful  people  would  reward  with  the 
Presidency  the  military  chieftain  who  had  won  victories  for 
theTTnion  at  Fort  Donalson,  Vicksburg  and  Richmond. 

I  was  among  the  first  to  say,  personally,  to  General  Grant, 
that  the  popular  sense  of  obligation  to  him  would  manifest 
itself  in  his  nomination  and  election  ;  that  it  was  a  spontane- 
ous movement,  which  required  no  aid  and  which  would  not  be 
restrained  ;  that  nobody  was  entitled  to  credit  for  being  in  his 
favor,  and  that  he  would  become  our  Chief  Magistrate,  free 
to  administer  the  Government  with  an  eye  single  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  people  and  to  the  honor  of  his  country.  In  that 
interview  I  narrated  to  General  Grant  the  incidents  connected 
with  the  nomination  of  the  lamented  General  Taylor,  whose 
administration,  but  for  the  bereavement  which  prematurely 
deprived  the  country  of  his  services,  would  have  been  emi- 
nently distinguished  for  its  purity,  patriotism  and  wisdom.  I 
left  General  Grant  with  a  confident  belief  and  hope  that,  like 
General  Taylor,  his  natural  good  sense,  fortified  by  military 
education,  would  enable  him  to  display  executive  ability  and 
distinguish  his  administration  by  a  high  sense  of  official  integ- 
rity and  honor,  and  by  an  earnest  devotion  to  the  public  wel- 
fare. 

There  were  difficulties,  however,  in-  General  Grant's  way, 
which  no  amount  of  wisdom  could  avoid.  The  "  cankers  "  of 
a  long  war  had  eaten  into  the  heart  of  the  nation.  Demorali- 
zation, public  and  private,  had  become  almost  universal.  Our 
'country  was  doomed  to  pass  through  ordeals  of  fraud  and  cor- 
ruption, described  by  Sir  William  Pepys  and  Lord  Macauley, 
32 


.^ 


250  Selections  from  the  JSTeavspapee 

by  which  England  was  so  long  dishonored,  and  on  account  of 
which  the  English  people  were  oppressed  by  crushing  and  in- 
exorable taxation.  In  his  encounter  with  these  difficulties, 
Greneral  Grant  has  not  been  fortunate.  His  Cabinet,  as  a  whole,' 
was  not  wisely  chosen  ;  and  when  vacancies  occurred,  his  origi- 
nal mistakes  were  not  corrected.  The  late  Yice-President 
Wilson  appealed  often  and  earnestly  to  the  President  in  favor 
~lof"erevating  and  strengthening  his  administration  by  associat- 
ing with  Governor  Fish,  Cabinet  Ministers  of  large  experience, 
recognized  talent  and  pronounced  integrity.  But  all  "such 
appeals  were  disregarded.  The  financial  department  of  the 
Government,  through  a  crisis  requiring  the  exercise  of  the 
highest  intelligence  and  the  most  inflexible  integrity,  was 
placed  in  the  hands  of  an  iitterly  incompetent  man.  Nor  while 
evidences  of  Mr.  Richardson's  incapacity  were  manifest  and 
multiplied,  would  General  Grant  listen,  until  for  this  and  other 
obstinate  refusals  to  regard  the  popular  will,  his  eyes  were 
opened  by  the  disastrous  defeats  sustained  by  the  Republican 
party  in  1874.  But  even  that  ominous  lesson  failed  to  aw^aken 
the  President  to  a  just  and  full  sense  of  his  high  responsibility. 
Other  and  equally  vital  reforms  were  demanded  and  refused. 
Early  in  the  first  years  of  General  Grant's  administration. 
Governor  Cox,  of  Ohio,  retired  from  the  Interior  Department 
for  some  reason  unknown  to  the  people.  JSTothing  was  then  or 
has  been  since  alleged  against  him.  His  successor,  Mr.  Delano, 
came  into  ofiice  with  a  good  character  and  a  clean  record,  both 
of  which,  however,  were  soon  lost.  But  as  in  the  case  of  Mr. 
Richardson,  the  President  refused  to  listen  to  the  numerous 
and  damaging  accusations  against  Mr.  Delano.  For  many 
months  after  that  gentleman  felt  constrained  to  tender  his  res- 
ignation, the  President  perversely  refused  or  neglected  to  ac- 
cept it,  and  only  yielded  to  an  indignant  popular  demand, 
seconded  by  the  other  members  of  the  Cabinet.  I  do  not  care 
to  dwell  upon  recent  and  still  more  startling  oflicial  delinquen- 
cies. 

There  is  little  or  no  compensation  in  the  circumstance  that 
our  fallen  Secretary  of  War  found  discreditable  examples  for 
his  misconduct,  in  the  wholesale  trafiic  in  oflices  by  the  English 
Ministers  of  War  during  the  reigns  of  the  Georges.  These 
delinquencies  constitute,  in   the  aggregate,  a  burden  uiider  the 


J2: 


Articles  of   T  huklow  Weed.  251 

weight  of  which  no  Administration  can  stand.  Happilj^,  how- 
ever, the  Republican  party  is  stronger  than  its  Administration. 
But  it  must  not  incnmber  itself  with  the  obloquy  that  at- 
taches to  official  misconduct.  It  cannot  afford  to  defend  or 
excuse  the  errors  of  the  President  or  the  frauds  of  his  ap- 
ointees.     In  return  for  the  great  service  rendered  to  the  Gov- 


ernment  and    the  Union,   in  putting  down  a  fearful    rebel- 
lion and  overthrowing  an  institution  which  occasioned  it,  the 

^■"'^eople  will  go  far  ancFdo  much  to  sustain  and  perpetuate  Re- 
publican rule.  Pulilic  confidence  in  the  meantime  must  not 
be  too  severely  tried,  or  too  heaWly  taxed.  Men  are  fallible, 
and  may,  as  they  often  do,  fall;  but  principles  are  indestructi- 
ble.    The  Republican  party  will  survive'the  overthrow  of  its 

'  unworthy  representatives,  provided  always  that  the  part}^  is 
prompt  and  thorough  in  its  purifications.  We  should  be  quick 
to  discern,  and  as  ready  to  rebuke  the  dishonesty  of  officials  in 
our  own  party  as  iu  tlie  party  of  our  opponents.  In  this  way 
only  can  Repuljlicans  hope  to  maintain  their  ascendancy  ;  for 
much  more  is  expected  of  us  than  of  our  opponents. 

I  see  no  reason,  if  our  ablest  and  best  men  should  be  nomi- 
nated for  President  and  Vice-President,  to  doubt  the  success  of 
the  Republican  ticket  in  the  approaching  election,  I  rely  as 
confidently  upon  the  inherent  weakness  of  the  Democracy  as 
upon  the  inherent  strength  of  our  own  party.  While,  in  the 
past,  much  has  beeii  done  to  weaken  the  Republican  party,  its 
opponents  have  ouly  taken  spasmodic  advantages.  Governor 
Tilden  inaugurated  his  aduiinistration  by  a  bold  and  praise- 
worthy demonstration  against  a  ring  of  canal  contractors,  by 
whom  the  State  had  been  systematically  defrauded  for  twenty 
years  of  at  least  fifty  per  cent  of  the  milHons  appropriated  for 

"^T^e  repairs,  improvements  and  enlargement  of  our  canals.  For 
this  he  deserved  and  received  the  hearty  approval  of  all  good 
men.  But  by  turning  the  results  of  an  investigation  designed 
to  punish  fraud  and  to  protect  the  State  Treasury,  into  a  party 
channel  to  advance,  as  is  alleged  and  believed,  personal  aspira- 
'"tions,  he  has  lost  the  opportunity  not  only  of  making  himself 
stronger  than  his  party,  but  of  rising  to  an  elevation  which 
blends  partisanship  with  patriotism. 

Kor  has  the  democracy  profited  by  the  circumstances  which 
gave  it  an  ascendancy  in  the  present  House  of  Representatives. 


252  5  Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 

They  Avere  indebted  for  that  success  to  the  faults  and  follies  of 
the  administration.  And  in  that  success  what  seemed  strength 
has  proved  weakness.  Rebellion,  though  subdued  in  the  field, 
exists  in  the  heart  of  Jeiferson  Davis  and  such  of  his  follow- 
ers as  find  their  way  to  Congress.  Their  hatred,  their  exac- 
tions and  their  aggressions  will  prove  as  offensive  n(>w  as  they 
were  defiant  during  the  last  years  of  the  existence  of  slavery. 
Democracy,  therefore,  in  coalescing  with  the  party  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  can  only  hope  for  success  through  the  fatuity  or  blind- 
ness of  the  Republican  National  Convention.  T.  W. 


THE  POLITICAL  SITUATION,  1876. 

[From  the  Schenectady  Daily  Union,  September  19,  1876.] 


Schenectady,  September  19,  1876. 
Thurlow  Weed  expresses  his  opinion  through  the  columns  of 
the  If.  Y.  Times  in  the  following  manner  : 

I  am  surprised  at  the  weakness  of  the  Democratic  party  in 
this  State,  as  evidenced  by  the  nomination  of  such  a  man.  He 
is  a  renegade  and  an  apostate  from  every  political  party,  and  is 
always  ready  to  hang  on  to  the  skirts  of  whichever  party  will 
give  him  office.  What  a  ticket  for  the  Democratic  party  to 
present  to  its  followers!  Two  renegade  Republicans.  It 
was  humiliating  to  them  to  have  to  support  Dorsheimer  for 
Lieutenant-Governor,  but  it  is  infinitely  more  humiliating  now 
to  be  compelled  to  swallow  two  renegades.  The  Democratic 
leaders  have  nominated  for  the  highest  offices  in  their  gift,  two 
men  of  no  political  honor,  both  of  whom  held  oflice  under  the 
Republicans,  and  subsequently  went  over  to  the  Democrats. 
There  was  Dorsheimer,  and  then  Bigelow,  and  now  we  have 
^^J"  Robinson  —  all  taken  hold  of  by  the  Democratic  leaders,  and 
placed  before  their  followers  to  be  lifted  into  power  by  their 
votes.  Tlie  extreme  poverty  and  degeneration  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  is  evidenced  no  less  strongly   by  the  character  of 


Articles  of  Thurlow  A¥eed.  253 

the  man  who  has  accepted  the  iiomiiiation  of  Governor,  than 
by  that  of  the  men  who  have  refnsed  the  proffered  honor. 
The  nomination  was  not  only  rejected  by  Seymonr,  but  was 
refused  by  Jndge  Gardiner,  Judge  Church,  and  DeWitt  West 
—  all  excellent  men.  The  ticket  is  afTexceedingly  objection- 
able one  to  Democrats,  and  about  as  weak  a  one  as  could  have 
been  made.  .-  ..—„-»««- 


THE   POLITICAL   PEOSPECTS  IN  1876  — TILDEN 
AND  WASHBIIRNE. 


THURLOW   WEED    SEES    NO   CHANCE  FOR  CONKLING HE  SELECTED 

WASHBURNE    THREE    MONTHS    AGO THE  CAMERON  NOTE  TO  BE 

DISHONORED  AND  PROTESTED. 

"I  don't  see  how  Mr.  Conkling  can  be  nominated,"  said 
Thurlow  Weed,  as  he  folded  his  hands  over  his  knee  and  beat 
time  with  his  foot  while  the  band  marched  by  on  Decoration  day. 
I  really  don't  see  how  he  can  be  nominated,  although  his  more 
intimate  friends  and  suppoi'ters  are  enthusiastic  over  his  chan- 
ces. Pennsylvania  is  not  to  be  so  easily  manipulated  as  some 
people  imagine.  It  will  ]3e  a  difficult  matter  for  Mr.  Cameron 
to  control  that  delegation.  In  fact,  so  far  as  it  affects  affairs 
at  all,  I  think  the  Cameron  arrangement  will  do  more  harm 
than  good.  Mr.  Wakeman  has  just  returned  from  Washing- 
ton and  is  loud  Sr^TJonlvling.  Well,  he  is  a  warm  personal 
friend  of  the  Senator,  and  is  more  or  less  charged  with  the 
Washington  atmosphere,  which,  I  suppose,  is  all  Conkling. 
Sheridan  Shook  has  been  to  Philadelphia,  and  he  finds  that 
Blaine  is  strong  down  there.  Postmaster  James  is  all  wrapped 
up  in  Conkling's_^iii|jgi:est.  He  is  an  honest,  frank,  warm- 
natured  man,  probably  the  most  devoted  friend  Mr.  Conkling 
has  in  the  city.  He  is  very  anxious  that  the  Senator  be  nomi- 
nated and  is  very  confident  he  will  be." 

Reporter  —  And  you  ? 

Mr.  Weed  —  Oh,  I  am  wedded  to  no  man's  interest.  I  am 
anxious  for  my  country's  welfare.     Whoever  can  best  serve 


254  Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 

her  interest  and  get  lier  from  the  condition  she  is  in  will  be  the 
man  for  me.  I  think  the  Republican  party  ought  to  succeed 
at  the  next  election,  and  should  be  sorry  to  have  the  country 
put  back  in  the  hands  of  the  men  who  would  have  surren- 
dered her  to  traitors. 

Reporter  —  How  about  the  chances  for  Washburne. 

Mr.  Weed  —  Three  months  ago  I  should  have  selected 
Elihu  B.  Washburne  as  the  Republican  candidate.  Every  thing 
pointed  to  him.  He  was  quiet,  not  a  candidate,  and  out  of  the 
race.  His  record  was  excellent.  ITothing  could  be  said  to  his 
discredit.  I  thought  that,  Grant  beiiTg''6ut  of  the  way,  he  .  / 
would  favor  Washburne,  who  made  him  what  he  is.  They  '■  ^ 
were  intimate  friends,  and  Grant  owed  him  much.  I  certainly 
thought  Washburne  would  be  Grant's  choice.     In  this  it  seems 

I  was  mistaken.     He  is not  Grant's  choice.     I  also  thought 

Washburue  would  be  Carl  Schurz's  choice.  In  this  I  was  mis- 
taken. I  don't  know  who  Schurz  favors,  but  he  does  not  favor 
Washburne.  Those  two  supports,  in  my  opinion,  belonged  to 
Washburne  and  would  have  settled  the  nomination.  I  am  not 
prepared  to  say  that  his  nomination  is  uncertain  now.  I  simply 
say  that  three  months  ago  he  would  have  been  selected  by  me 
as  the  probable  nominee.  This  terrible  exposure  of  K^rr^^ 
true  or  false,  and  the  evidence  seems  complete,  is  only  another 
reason  for  the  nomination  of  a  true  man  and  a  good  man.  You 
will  find  that  the  delegates  to  that  Convention  at  Cincinnati 
will  appreciate  their  individual  responsibility  to  the  full,  and, 
unless  I  am  mistaken,  their  nomination  will  be  determined  by 
the  good  of  the  nation  and  the  good  of  the  party,  rather  than 
dictated  by  the  ambition  or  the  partisans  of  any  individual 
man.  This  Kerr  matter  hurts.  True  or  false,  it  has  killed 
him  for  the  future.  The  facts  are  very  simple,  and  I  see  no 
way  of  escape  for  him.  It  is  inexpressibly  sad.  All  these 
things  hurt  the  country  terribly.  IS'ow,  as  for  the  St.  Louis  con- 
vention, the  contest  seems  narrowed  down  to  Tilden  and  Bayard. 
Tilden  will  be  a  weak  candidate  if  nominated.  His  nomination 
loses  iSTew  York  to  the  democracy  at  all  events.  There  are 
too  many  against  him.  He  cannot  succeed.  Those  gentlemen, 
whose  Albany  meeting  was  chronicled  in  the  Herald^  are  not 
the  only  enemies  he  will  have  to  contend  with.  It  is  not  prob- 
able they  would  do  any  thing  openly  against  him,  but  their  in- 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  255 

fluence  would  be  felt.  Then  tlie  Canal  Ring  will  oppose  liim 
^_tootli  and  nail.  Tliej  have  the  pTTwer'"aiTd"~'tTie  brains.  They 
can  do  it  and  will  do  it.  Mi*.  TilderTs'nomination  would  make 
certiiin  a  revolt  in  the  city  similar  to  that  of  last  fall.  The 
fact  is,  Tilden  is  too  small.  He  won  a  little  reputation  by 
honesty  in  government  when  he  started  oif  about  the  canal 
frauds,  but  he  lost  it  all  as  soon  as  it  became  evident  that  he 
was  using  his  power  as  a  partisan.  He  lost  all  the  reputation 
he  ever  had  by  one  single  nomination.  He  nominated  Smith 
Weed  for  Insurance  Commissioner,  a  man  whose  legislative 
career  is  perfectly  well  known. 

Reporter  —  Do  you  believe  the   Repubhcan   leaders   have 
any  deliberate  programme  of  operations  ? 

Mr.  Weed  —  No,  I  do  not.  That  is,  I  do  not  think  any  con- 
siderable number  of  "prominent  or  influential  men  have  had 
any  conference  at  which  a  settled  programme  was  arranged. 
Yery  much  depends  upon  Mr.  Morton  and  his  friends.  You 
see  quite  a  number  of  candidates  have  dropped  out  of  the  race. 
The  leading  men  —  Blaine,  Conkling  and  Morton  — have  their 
partisans,  and  each  is  doing  the  best  he  can  for  himself.  What 
that  best  may  be,  cannot  be  practically  demonstrated  till  the 
convention  assembles  and  the  votes  are  cast.  And  there  rests 
the  strength  of  men  like  Washl_)urne.  The  friends  of  Senator 
Conkling  are  devotedly  his  friends,  and  it  is  not  likely  they 
would  consent  to  the  nomination  of  a  ISTew  Yorker  in  his  place, 
especially  one  like  Mr.  Wheeler,  whose  friends  gave  to  Mr. 
Curtis  his  strength  in  the  Syracuse  convention,  and  enabled 
some  to  claim  that  the  convention  was  not  a  unit  for  Conklino-. 
Mr.  Morton's  friends  will  have  a  great  deal  to  say  about  the 
candidate.  But  it  is  unsafe  to  rely  much  on  the  transfer  power 
of  candidates  this  year.  As  I  said  before,  the  delegates  to  Cin- 
cinnati will  be  made  to  feel  their  individual  responsibility,  and 
the  situation  of  the  country  is  such  that  they  will  feel  com- 
pelled to  name  a  man  their  party  can  elect,  for  they  will  not 
dare  to  peril  the  success  of  their  party  and  thus  hand  the  coun- 
try over  to  its  enemies.  I  believe  it  will  be  impossible  for 
candidates  to  transfer  their  support  to  any  great  extent,  and  I 
further  believe  Mr.  Cameron  will  be  utterly  unable  to  control 
the  Pennsylvania  delegation.  I  presume  Tilden  will  be  nomi- 
nated at  St.  Louis.  I  certainly  hope  so,  for  the  sake  of  the  Repub- 


y 


256  Selections  from  the  I^ewspapeb 

lican  party.  If  I  were  a  partisan  I  would  do  what  I  could  to 
secure  his  nomination.  He  M'^ould  certainly  lose  IS^ew  York, 
and  be  weak,  very  weak  before  the  people  at  large. 


IsrON-PAKTISAN  GOYEKNMENT. 

A.  D.  1877. 


GOOD  RESULTS  OF  THE  SYSTEM  A8  TRIED  IN  NKW  YORK INSTANCES 

THE    POLICE    BOARD WHY  IT    SHOULD    BE   PRESERVED  NON- 
PARTISAN. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  H.  Y.  Tribune : 

Sir  :  I  do  not  belong  to  the  school  that  believes,  or  professes 
to  believe,  that  office-holders  should  have  nothing  to  do  with 
politics.  On  the  contrary,  I  believe  that  the  interests  of 
the  country  and  tlie  welfare  of  the  people,  depend  upon  the 
existence  of  strong  and  thorouglily  organized  parties,  each 
struggling  to  secure  the  confidence  of  the  electors  by  giving 
them  good  government.  I  became  satisfied,  however,  more 
than  twenty-five  years  ago,  that  the  true  interests  of  the  city  of 
New  York  could  be  best  subserved  by  making  several  of  the 
departments  non-partisan  —  not  by  the  exclusion  of  politi- 
cians, but  by  the  appointment  of  equal  numbers  of  Whigs  and 
Democrats,  taking  care  that  they  were  men  of  ability  and 
integrity.  The  first  non-partisan  experiment  was  an  Emigrant 
Commission,  under  whose  auspices  those  beneficent  institutions 
and  splendid  structures  upon  Ward's  Island  grew  up,  and 
where  the  destitute  emigrant  and  the  orphans  of  emigrants, 
have  been  maintained  and  educated  without  one  dollar's  ex- 
pense to  the  city. 

From  1830  to  1854:  the  encroachments  from  Kew  York  and 
Brooklyn  of  dock,  wharf  and  pier  owners,  proceeded  so  reck- 
lessly as  to  peril  the  navigation  and  ruin  the  commerce  of  our 
harbor  and  city.  The  Legislature  passed  a  law  authorizing  the 
Governor  to  appoint  five  commissioners,  with  ample  powers, 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  257 

for  tlie  protection  of  navigation  and  commerce.  The  commis- 
sioners were  to  appoint  experienced  surveyors  to  regulate  the 
construction  of  docks,  wharves  and  piers,  and  to  establish  an 
exterior  line  beyond  which  in  future  there  should  be  no  ob- 
structions. Much  anxiety  was  felt  by  the  merchants,  who 
knew  the  importance  of  securing  a  commission  consisting  of 
enlightened  and  practical  men,  but  men  beyond  the  reach  of 
all  personal,  political  or  pecuniary  influences.  That  commis- 
sion was  made  as  nearly  non-partisan  as  practicable.  It  con- 
sisted of  James  Bo  wen  of  New  York,  John  Vanderbilt  of 
Kings,  George  W.  Patterson  of  Chautauqua,  Preston  King  of 
St.  Lawrence,  and  John  A.  Talcott  of  Erie.  Messrs.  Bowen, 
Patterson  and  Talcott  were  Whigs  ;  Messrs.  King  and  Vander- 
bilt were  Democrats.  The  commission  acted  in  perfect  har- 
mony and  discharged  'their  duties  with  such  impartiality,  jus- 
tice and  wisdom,  as  to  secure  universal  approval.  They 
reclaimed  for  the  State,  lands  worth  more  than  twice  as  much 
as  the  expenses  of  the  commissioners.  That  board  was  inaug- 
urated by  the  appointment  of  Moses  H.  Grinnell  and  Simeon 
Draper,  Whigs;  Isaac  Bell  and  James  B.  Nicholson,  Demo- 
crats. This  was  a  Whig  concession,  the  Governor,  the  Legis- 
lature, and  the  City  Controller,  by  whom  the  appointments 
were  made,  then  being  Whigs.  When,  at  the  end  of  five 
years,  their  terms  expired,  a  Democratic  Controller  preserved 
faith  by  reappointing  Messrs  Bell  and  Nicholson,  Democrats, 
and  by  appointing  James  Bowen  and  Owen  W.  Brennan, 
Republicans.  These  gentlemen  proved  worthy  of  the  trust 
confided  to  them.  They  were  all  active  and  influential  politi- 
cians, but  they  separated  their  political  from  their  official 
duties. 

The  original  Central  Park  Commission  was  also  non-parti- 
san, and  in  other  respects  fortunately  constituted.  I  say  fortu- 
nately, because  that  great  city  enterprise  was  laid  out  and 
adorned  liberally,  in  good  taste  and  with  strict  economy.  The 
first  Park  Commissioners,  with  a  just  sense  of  what  was  due 
to  the  present  and  future  generations,  devoted  themselves 
faithfully  to  their  duties,  receiving  a  full  dollar's  worth  of 
labor  or  material  for  every  dollar  they  expended. 

These  auspicious  results  encouraged  an  efiiort  in  favor  of  a 
non-partisan  Police  Board.     Two  years,  however,   were  lost, 
33 


258  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

because  the  Whigs,  who  were  in  power,  were  unwilling  to 
give  up  political  advantages  so  long  enjoyed  b}^  their  oppo- 
nents. But  in  Gov.  Seymour's  time  the  power  of  the  State  was 
divided,  and  after  frequent  consultations,  and  toward  the  close 
of  the  session  of  the  Legislature  a  Police  Board,  consisting  of 
Judge  Bosworth  and  Mr.  McMurray,  Democrats,  and  Messrs. 
Acton  and  Bergen,  Republicans,  was  appointed.  That  board, 
with  the  late  John  A.  Kennedy  as  Superintendent,  divorcing 
itself  from  party  influences,  gave  the  city,  through  an  efficient 
and  well-disciplined  force,  protection  to  persons  and  property. 
But,  unfortunately,  while  that  board  was  perfecting  its  good 
work,  Mr.  McMurray  died,  and  in  supplying  the  vacancy,  faith 
was  shamefully  violated  by  a  Republican  Legislature  and  Gov- 
ernor. The  board,  by  the  appointment  of  a  Whig  instead  of  a 
Democrat,  became  partisan,  and  then  the  demoralizations, 
which  culminated  in  1870,  began.  Finally,  after  much  bitter 
experience,  a  second  non-partisan  era  dawned.  Something 
more  than  a  year  ago  the  present  board,  consisting  of  Gen. 
("Baldy")  Smith,  Sidney  ISTichols,  Democrats,  Clinton  Wheeler 
and  Col.  Erhardt,  Republicans,  was  installed.  These  gentle- 
men, though  entertaining,  as  every  patriotic  citizen  should, 
decided  political  convictions,  have  inaugurated  a  Police  Com- 
mission of  strict  non-partisan  character.  They  have  labored 
with  great  courage,  diligence  and  discrimination  to  promote 
the  efficiency  and  usefulness  of  the  department  and  of  its  force. 
In  their  appointments  and  promotions,  character,  capacity  and 
merit,  rather  than  personal  or  political  influence,  have  guided 
them.  Dishonest  officers,  as  far  and  as  fast  as  evidence  could 
be  obtained,  have  been  tried  and  dismissed.  Misconduct  in 
patrolmen  is  inflexibly  punished,  while  gallant  acts  and  meri- 
torious conduct  are  promptly  rewarded.  The  board  is  a  unit, 
each  member  assisting  his  colleagues  in  carrying  out  wholesome 
reform.  The  good  effects  of  all  this  is  seen  and  felt.  There 
is  among  our  citizens  a  general  sense  of  security  and  repose 
arising  from  their  confidence  in  the  efficiency,  vigilance,  and 
fidelity  of  the  police.  With  an  incompetent  police  captain 
there  would  have  been  a  fearful  loss  of  life  on  Saturday  evening 
last,  in  East  Twenty-Third  street,  when  two  tenement  buildings, 
in  which  thirty  or  forty   families  resided,  suddenly  collapsed 


.  Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  259 

The  inmates,  unconscious  of  tlieir  danger,  would,  but  for  the 
promptness  and  activity  of  the  police,  have  been  buried  with 
their  effects  beneath  the  walls  of  their  apartments.  But  noth- 
ing less  praiseworthy  was  to  be  expected  from  Capt.  Allaire  or 
the  men  under  his  command. 

I  am,  let  me  repeat,  a  party  man  —  nay,  more,  I  am,  as  I 
have  ever  been,  a  politician.  I  will  go  further,  at  the  risk  of 
becoming  obnoxious  to  a  popular  idea,  and  admit  that,  in  the 
sense  he  intended,  I  believe,  with  Gov.  Marcy,  that  to  the  vict- 
ors belong  the  spoils  of  office.  When  a  Democrat  or  Whig 
has  been  elected  President  or  Governor,  I  believe  that  their 
respective  supporters  and  friends,  possessing  the  requisite  qual- 
ifications, are  entitled  to  their  reward.  I  have  claimed  this 
under  all  Whig  administrations,  and  have  conceded  it  to  the 
Democracy  when  that  party  was  in  the  ascendancy.  But  there 
are  exceptions  to  every  rule.  The  city  of  New  York  forms  an 
exception.  Its  welfare  and  interests  in  some  of  their  aspects 
are  non-j)artisan.  This  is  especially  true  in  reference  to  the 
police.  Tested  by  experience,  partisan  police  boards  have  been 
decided  failures.  This  remark  is  especially  applicable  to  the 
breach  of  faitli  under  Gov.  Fenton's  administration,  which  con- 
verted a  non-partisan  into  a  partisan  hoard.  On  the  other  hand, 
non-partisan  boards,  created  at  different  periods  during  the  last 
twenty-five  years,  have,  by  the  good  service  they  rendered, 
vindicated  the  wisdom  of  their  appointment. 

Without  impugning  the  motives  of  those  who  seek  to  change 
the  political  status  of  the  police  board,  I  earnestly  hope  that 
their  efforts  will  prove  unsuccessful.  The  present  board  is  do- 
ing well,  and  every  day's  experience  enables  them  to  do  bet- 
ter. Life  and  property,  public  order,  and  social  and  personal 
security  depend  upon  an  independent,  responsible,  and  efficient 
board  of  police  commissioners.  I  commend  these,  with  other 
considerations  vital  to  the  public  welfare,  to  the  serious  atten- 
tion of  Mayor  Ely,  who,  as  far  as  I  am  informed,  is  discharg- 
ing his  important  and  difficult  duties  in  a  manner  every  way 
worthy  of  the  trust  confided  to  him.  T.  W. 

'N'Ew  YoKK,  June  19,  18TY. 


260  Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 

THE  LATE  MOSES  H.  GKINNELL. 

[Prom  the  New  York  Times,  November  27,  1877.] 


MR.  THURLOW    WEEd's    REMINISCENCES     OF     HIS    LIFE    AND    TIMES. 

Tlie  death  of  Mr.  Moses  H.  Grinnell  was  a  topic  of  general 
conversation  in  mercantile  circles  yesterday.  Mr.  Thurlow 
Weed  spent  several  honrs  in  recounting  tlie  character,  life  and 
works  of  his  deceased  friend.  He  said  that  he  conld  not  be 
brief  in  speaking  of  such  J:j,  large-hearted  man  as  Mr.  Grinnell. 
That  gentleman's  influences,  always  bright  and  genial,  were 
seen  and  felt  throughout  the  city  for  nearly  half  a  century. 

Of  his  intelligence,  enterprise  and  integrity  as  a  merchant 
nothing  need  be  said,  for  these  elements  of  cliaracter  stand  out 
conspicuously.  His  liberality  and  enthusiasm  in  all  good 
works,  in  all  generous  enterprises,  and  in  all  patriotic  move- 
ments, inspired  the  sympathy  and  co-operation  of  others. 
There  was  irresistible  magnetism  in  his  voice  and  manner. 
All  liearts  and  all  purses  responded  to  his  appeals  —  appeals 
only  made  when  he  had  first  contributed  largely.  Though 
devoting  much  time  to  public  enterprises,  to  political  duties,  to 
social  life,  and  to  healthful  relaxations,  his  business  was  never 
neglected.  He  was  a  thorough  merchant,  to  be  found  always 
during  business  hours  where  business  called  him.  Mr.  Grin- 
nell lived  in  ISTew  York's  palmiest  da^js  of  bountiful,  yet 
refined  hospitalities.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Hone  and 
Kent  clubs,  the  intellectual  and  social  odors  of  which  linger 
pleasantly  in  the  memory  of  their  few  survivors.  Among  the 
gentlemen  to  be  met  habitually  at  the  table  of  Mr.  Grinnell, 
forty  years  ago,  were  Washington  Irving,  Philip  Hone,  Chan- 
cellor Kent,  Richard  M.  Blatchford,  Simeon  Draper,  Robert 
B.  Minturn,  J.  Prescott  Hall,  Charles  H.  Russell,  George 
Curtis  (the  father  of  George  William  Curtis),  Edward  Curtis, 
William  H.  Aspinwall,  Ogden  Hoffman,  Charles  A.  Stetson, 
Roswell  Colt,  John  Ward,  James  Watson  Webb,  Dr.  John  W. 
Francis,  Charles  King,  Samuel  B.  Ruggles,  James  Bowen. 
Ten  years  later  came  William  M.  Evarts,  John  Jacob  Astor, 


/       Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  261 

/      ■ 

Isaac  Bell^' Edward  Minturn,  William  Kent,  Marshall  O.  Rob- 
erts and  Benjamin  F.  Silliman.  "  As  occasional  guests  at  tlie 
same  table,"  continued  Mr.  Weed,  "  I  have  met  John  Quincy 
Adams,  Daniel  Webster,  Edward  Everett,  William  H.  Seward, 
Gulian  C.  Yerplanck,  Hugh  Maxwell,  Gen.  Scott,  Commodore 
Perry,  Gov.  John  Davis  of  Massachusetts,  Gov.  Kent  of  Maine, 
and  many  other  prominent  men."  "  My  acquaintance  with 
Mr.  Grinnell,"  said  Mr.  Weed,  "  commenced  in  1833.  He  was 
then  a  Democrat,  but  had  taken  no  active  part  in  politics. 
Most  of  his  intimate  acquaintances  were  Whigs,  and  upon  the 
organization  of  the  old  Republican  and  Clintonian  parties 
under  the  Whig  banner,  Mr.  Grinnell  espoused  that  cause,  be- 
coming and  remaining  a  zealous,  efficient  and  influential  Whig. 
He  was  a  delegate  to  the  Whig  State  convention  of  1831. 
Passing  over  the  period  of  his  service  in  Congress,  from  1839 
to  1 811,  it  is  interesting  to  note  how  near  Mr.  Grinnell  came 
to  becoming  Governor  of  this  State.  In  1855,  after  a  con' 
sulfation  between  some  of  his  political  friends,  Mr.  Grinnell 
was  agreed  upon  as  the  Whig  candidate  for  Governor.  A 
few  weeks  before  the  convention  assembled,  Mr.  R.  M.  Blatch- 
ford  called  with  me  to  confer  with  Mr.  Grinnell  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  his  candidacy.  Although  evidently  gratified  with  the 
offer  of  a  nomination  that  was  sure  to  result  in  an  election,  he 
said  that  his  acceptance  would  depend  upon  his  partner,  Mr. 
Robert  B.  Minturn,  by  whose  advice  he  guided  himself  in  im- 
portant matters.  Mr.  Minturn,  upon  whom  we  immediately 
called,  said  that  Mr.  Grinnell's  services  were  essential  to  the 
interests  of  the  house,  and  he  could  not  consent  to  his  with- 
drawal, even  temporarily,  from  the  business.  When  Mr. 
"^inturn's  objections  were  stated  to  him,  Mr.  Grinnell 
promptly  and  cheerfully  declined  the  nomination.  The  late 
John  A.  King  was  then  nominated  and  elected,  beating  Amasa 
J.  Parker,  and  becoming  the  last  Wliig  Governor  of  ISTew 
York  State,  the  power  which  the  Whig  party  had  previously 
Tield  being  transferred  to  the  new  Republican  party,  when  E. 
D.  Morgan  was  elected  Governor  in  1857. 

The  political  influence,  wielded  quietly,  but  effectively,  for 
many  years  by  Mr.  Grinnell,  is  illustrated  by  the  following 
account  of   the   manner  in   which   Washington   Irving   was 


262  Selections  fkom  the  ^Newspaper 

appointed  Minister  to  the  Court  of  Madrid,  an  appointment  to 
which  the  literarj"  world  owes  the  pleasures  it  derives  from 
Irving's  History  of  Mahomet  and  His  Successors.     Said  Mr. 
Weed :  "  While  Mr.  Webster  was  Secretary  of  State,  I  dined 
with  him  in  Washington  one  night.     Mr.  Grinnell,  Mr.  R.  M. 
Blatchford  and  Mr.  Simeon  Draper  also  being  guests.     At  the 
dessert  Mr.  Grinnell  told  Mr.  Webster  that  Washington  Irv- 
ing, while  writing  his  History  of  Coluvibus,  found  it  necessary 
to  have  access  to  the  archives  in  Madrid,  and  that  his  friends 
had  concluded  to  ask  for  his  appointment  as  Consul  to  that 
city.     After  a  slight  pause,  Mr.  Webster  said:    ^Do  I  under- 
stand you,  Mr.  Grinnell,  to  say  that  you  ask  for  Washington 
Irving's  appointment  as  Consul  to  Madrid?'     Mr.  Grinnell 
responded  affirmatively,  when  Mr.  Webster,  with  great  empha- 
sis,  asked  :    '  And  why  not  Minister  to  Spain  ? '     But  little 
more  was  said.     Mr.  Grinnell  returned  to  ISTew  York  rejoicing 
in  the  appointment  of  his  literary  friend  as  Minister  to  Spain. 
Such  a  thing  as  this  pleased  Mr.   Grinnell  thoroughly.     He 
was  so  large-hearted  that  he' desired  to  make  everybody  happy. 
He  was  generous  to  the  last  degree.     Unlike  many  men  situ- 
ated in  life  as  he  was,  he  did  not  contribute  to  hospital  or  asy- 
lum funds  at  stated  intervals  only,  but  gave  in  charity  every 
day.     In  fact,  he  was  always  giving  either  money  or  assistance 
of  other  kinds  to  the  needy.     Mr.  Mia  turn  was  like  him  in 
this  respect — indeed,  no  better  man  ever  lived  in  ISTew  York 
than  Robert  B.  Minturn.     I  have  often  had  occasion  to  ask 
both  gentlemen  for  free  passages  in  their  vessels,  either  for  ^ 
foreigners  who  were  unfortunate  here  and  wished  to  return 
home,  or  for  the  needy  relatives  abroad   of   men  who  were 
struggling  onward  in  this  country.     Many  of  these  people,  by 
becoming  good  citizens,  fully  repaid  me  for  my  efforts,  and 
Messrs.  Grinnell  and  Minturn  for  their  charity.     A  case  in 
point  I  remember  very  well.     On  a  cold,  blustering  night, 
thirty  or  more  years  ago,  I  was  stopped  in  one  of  the  streets  of 
Albany,  by  a  lad  of  about  thirteen  years  of  age.     He  asked 
for  employment,  and   his   manner   impressed   me  favorably. 
His  story  was  that  he  had  come  from  Ireland  to  seek  an  uncle 
whom  he  could  not  find.     He  was  destitute  and  wanted  work. 
I  took  him  home  with  me,  and  as  he  said  he  desired  to  learn  a 
trade,  I  procured  him  employment  as  an  apprentice  to  a  builder 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed,  263 

named  Stewart.  Favorable  reports  of  liis  conduct  were  given 
me  from  time  to  time,  and  at  the  end  of  three  years  his  em- 
ployer surrendered  his  indentures  and  paid  him  as  a  journey- 
man. Before  that  event,  however,  he  came  to  me  for  aid  to 
"^Ijring  his  mother  and  sister  from  Ireland.  I  applied  to  Mr. 
Grinnell,  arid,  as  usual,  he  gave  them  free  passages.  A  few 
years  after  he  became  a  journeyman,  the  young  man  went  with 
his  mother  and  sister  to  the  West.  In  1860  myself  and  daugli- 
ter  were  in  Keokuk,  Iowa.  We  wanted  to  see  the  place,  and 
'"sent  for  a  carriage.  Upon  going  to  the  vehicle  we  found  in  it 
my  quondam  protege.  It  was  his  private  carriage,  and  he  had 
come  to  the  hotel  -to  take  us  out  iint7  "~TIe~liad  settled  in 
Keokuk  after  leaving  Alljany,  and  had  become  a  well-to-do 
master  builder,  supporting  his  mother  and  sister  in  good  cir- 
cumstances. He  was  grateful  not  alone  to  me,  but  also  to  Mr. 
Grinnell,  who  he  knew  had  assisted  him  in  his  youth. 

Mr.  Grinnell  was  also  very  much  attached  to  the  persons  con- 
nected with  him  in  busmess  as  employees.  He  looked  after 
their  interests  carefully,  and  whenever  one  of  them  died  he 
cared  for  his  family  like  a  father.  He  was  interested  in  the 
Children's  Aid  Society  and  the  industrial  schools  of  this 
city,  and  he,  Isaac  Bell,  James  Bowen  and  James  B.  Kichol- 
son,  composed  the  best  board  of  Charity  Commissioners  JSTew 
York  has  ever  had." 


THE  MmiSTEK  TO  BELGIUM. 
A.  D.  1877. 


AN     ACQUAINTANCE     OF    A    QUARTER     OF    A    CENTURY MR.  H.    S. 

SANFORd's     capacity     and      INTEGRITY ^  PERSONAL      REMINIS- 
CENCES OF    HIS    CAREER   ABROAD. 

Speaking  of  recent  diplomatic  appointments,  yesterday,  Mr. 
Thurlow  Weed  warmly  commended  the  selection  of  Mr.  San- 
ford  for  the  post  of  Minister  to  Belgium.  "  I  have  known 
him  f or  twentv-iive  vears,"  Mr.  Weed  said.    "  He  has  the  liiffh- 


264  Sp:lections  from  the  JN^ewspaper 

est  sense  of  personal  and  official  integrity,  and  liis  edncation 
and  experience  make  him  remarkably  well  qnalified  for  tbe 
diplomatic  service." 

At  the  reqnest  of  his  visitor  the  veteran  jonrnalist  gave  an 
acconnt  of  his  first  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Sanford,  and  of  the 
latter's  efforts  in  behalf  of  his  conntry  during  the  rebellion, 
while  he  held  the  same  place  to  which  he  has  just  been  reap- 
pointed. Mr.  A\^eed  first  met  Mr.  Sanford  in  Paris,  in  1852, 
just  after  Louis  Napoleon's  coup  cVetat.  The  American  min- 
ister, Mr.  Rives,  refused  to  recognize  the  new  master  of  the 
Tuileries,  and  American  residents  and  visitors  would  have  been 
put  to  much  annoyance  by  the  absence  of  any  official  relations 
between  their  representative  and  the  French  government,  had 
not  Mr.  Sanford,  who  was  Secretary  of  Legation,  possessed 
the  tact  to  remove  the  difficulty  by  making  his  personal  ac- 
Cjuaintance  with  the  leading  men  of  the  new  Empire  serve, 
instead  of  diplomatic  formalities,  in  jDroviding  for  his  country- 
men the  privileges  they  desired. 

"  I  have  known  Mr.  Sanford  well,  I  may  say  very  well,  ever 
since,"  continued  Mr.  Weed.  While  I  was  abroad  during  the 
rebellion  "  (it  will  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Weed  was  the  con- 
fidential diplomatic  agent  of  the  United  States  government  in 
Europe  for  some  time  after  the  breaking  out  of  the  war),  "  I 
had  occasion  to  know  the  value  of  his  services.  Mr.  Sanford 
was  in  Paris  oh  his  way  to  Brussels,  before  our  new  minister, 
Mr.  Daj'ton,  arrived,  and  his  exertions  in  behalf  of  the  Union 
cause,  at  a  critical  moment,  when  the  French  government  and 
people  were  hostile  to  us,  were  of  great  value.  Every  thing 
needed  to  be  done  abroad  at  that  time.  We  wanted  arms, 
clothing,  and  all  kinds  of  military  supplies.  Mr.  Sanford  was 
exceedingly  zealous  to  serve  the  Government,  and  often  antic- 
ipated his  instructions  in  his  desire  to  be  useful.  While  at 
Brussels  he  frequently  crossed  the  path  of  persons  who  were 
acting  as  agents  for  the  United  States  in  making  purchases, 
and  who  were  eager  chiefly  to  make  money  for  themselves. 
His  interference  with  their  projects  provoked  their  hostility. 
With  another  class  of  agents,  whose  sole  motive  was  to  serve 
their  country,  Mr.  Sanford  cordially  co-operated.  As  an  exam- 
ple of  the  latter  class  I  might  mention  Mr.  Schuyler  of  this^ 
city,  wlio  w^as  sent  abroad  to  buy  arms,  and  who  as  a  thor- 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  265 

ouglily  honest  man,  appreciated  Mr.  Sanford's  exertions,  and 
worked  in  accord  with  him.  Mr.  Sanford's  great  activity  re- 
sulting from  his  temperament,  and  his  enthusiasm  for  the  Union 
cause,  was  sometimes  mistaken  for  officiousness.  It  offended 
Mr.  Adams,  and  to  some  extent  annoyed  Mr.  Dayton.  It  is 
not  true,  however,  that  Mr.  Dayton  was  angry  with  Mr.  San- 
ford.  I  was  in  Paris  after  the  Trent  affair  was  terminated 
and  the  danger  of  war  with  England  averted.  Mentioning  to 
Mr.  Dayton  that  I  meant  to  make  a  trip  in  Belgium  and  Hol- 
land with  my  daughter,  he  said  he  would  take  a  holiday  and 
go  with  me.  We  set  off  together,  aud  when  we  had  reached  Brus- 
sels we  all  went  to  Mr.  Sanford's  house  and  spent  three  agree- 
able days  there.  Of  course,  Mr.  Dayton  would  noiTliave  ac- 
cepted Mr.  Sanford's  hospitality  if  he  had  not  been  upon  good 
terms  with  him." 

After  some  furtiie'r  conversation  about  Mr.  Sanford's  energy 
and  zeal,  Mr.  AYeed  related  an  incident  which  occurred  in  Lon- 
don during  his  stay  in  that  city  in  an  ofhcial  capacity.  At  the 
time  when  the  danger  of  a  rupture  with  the  British  government 
was  imminent,  Mr.  Weed  desired  to  undertake  an  affair  which 

"  promised  great  results,  but  which  required  a  considerable  sum 
of  money.  He  explained  the  project  to  Mr.  Pealtody,  who 
saw  its  importance,  but  had  no  faith  in  the  possibility  of  its 
accomplishment.  Sure  that  it  would  fail,  the  great  banker  de- 
clined to  furnish  the  needed  funds.  Mr.  Weed  telegraphed  to 
Mr.  Sanford,  who  came  to  London  immediately.  Before  hear- 
ing the  matter  half  explained,  Mr.  Sanford  left  Mr.  Weed's 
apartments,  hastened  to  Barings,  and  in  a  short  time  returned 
with  the  money.  The  object  was  accomplished,  but  of  so  con- 
fidential a  nature  was  it  that  it  must  remain  a  secret  even  after 
this  lapse  of  time.     "  If  the  people  knew  how  important  was 

■~'the  work  which  Mr.  Sanford  enabled  us  to  accomplish,"  said 
Mr.  Weed,  "  they  would  feel  that  they  owed  him  a  great  deal 
of  gratitude." 

About  Mr.  Sanford's  dinners  Mr.  Weed  remarked:  "He 
gives  a  great  many.     It  is  the  habit  of  his  life,  wherever  he  is. 

-"Last  winter  he  happened  to  be  in  Washington,  and  he  enter- 
tained with  his  usual  liberality  there,  just  as  he  does  in  New- 
port or  in  Paris.  Hospitality  is  a  part  of  his  nature,  and  is 
certainly  not  a  trait  for  which  he  should  be  blamed." 

k 


266  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

At  the  conclusion  of  tlie  conversation,  Mr.  Weed  said  lie  was 
surprised  to  see  so  many  enemies  rise  up  against  a  man  who 
had  done  no  wa-ong  to  anybody.  He  considered  Mr.  Sanford's 
appointment  one  of  the  most  judicious  the  Administration  had 
made,  and  he  hoped  the  Senate  w^ould  speedily  confirm  it. 


NEWSPAPEE  TYPOGRAPHY. 

A.  D.  187Y. 


THE   GROWING   DISUSE  OF   CAPITALS,  ITALICS  AND   CERTAIN   MARKS 
OF    PUNCTUATION. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune  : 

Sir  :  The  annual  meeting  of  the  State  Press  Association  at 
Albany  was  an  occasion  of  -  much  interest.  The  address  of  its 
president,  Mr.  Smith  of  The  Evening  Journal.,  and  tlie  s^Deech 
of  Mr.  Erancis  of  The  Troy  Times,  were  not  only  practical 
and  suggestive  in  purpose  and  thought,  but  admirable  in 
language,  style  and  taste.  I  regret  that  neitlier  of  these  gen- 
tlemen availed  himself  of  a  suitable  opportunity  to  deprecate 
innovations  which  seriously  annoy  old  printers.  I  refer  to  the 
growing  disuse  of  "  Capitals,"  "  small  Caj)itals,"  "  Commas," 
"Colons,"  "  Semi- colons"  and /z'«/zc,s."  If  these  innovations 
progress  in  the  future  as  rapidly  as  they  have  in  the  past  four  or 
five  years,  the  Upper  and  Italic  cases  may  be  dispensed  with, 
while  the  Compositor  in  distributing  his  Type  will  have  no  use 
for  the  "  Comma,"  "  Colon  "  and  "  Semi-colon  "  boxes. 

Punctuation  is  an  essential  aid  to  the  reader.  Italics  are 
equally  essential  in  attracting  attention  and  giving  effect  to 
earnest,  impressive  or  significant  meanings.  Capital  letters  are 
rapidly  becoming  obsolete.  In  illustration  I  will  select  a  few 
words  from  Tuesday's  Tribune,  each  of  which,  before  the 
fashion  changed,  would  have  been  garnished  with  a  Capital  let- 
ter:—  "bankers,"  "financiers,"  "merchants,"  "telegraph," 
"  commerce,"  "  legal  tenders,"  "  journal,"  "  resumption," 
"governments,"  "bonds,"  "gold,"  "silver,"  "coin,"  "cur- 
rency," etc. 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  267 

It  may  be  answered  that  in  the  eai4y  liistoiy  of  the  "  Art 
Preservative  of  all  Arts,"  Capitals  were  employed  without 
sense  or  reason.  In  reply,  while  I  admit  that  Capitals  were 
then  nsed  indiscriminately,  I  now  insist  that  we  are  running 
into  the  other  extreme.  For  example,  I  cannot  be  reconciled 
to  the  use  of  a  small  "g"  in  speaking  of  our  Government,  and 
I  hope  that  you,  Mr.  Editor,  will  not  consider  me  hypercritical 
in  suggesting  that  the  following  Editorial  reference  to  your 
own  Paper  might  have  been  fittingly  dignified  with  a  capital 
"  J."  —  "  Earlier  than  any  other  journal  in  this  country.  The 
Tribune,"  etc.  T.  W. 

Kew  York,  June  16,  1877. 


KESUMPTION  OF  SPECIE  PAYMENTS. 
A.  D.  1873. 


To  the  Editor  of  The  N.  Y.  Tribune  : 

Sir  :  The  Government  and  the  people  are  losing  a  golden 
opportunity.  Both  should  peremptorily  insist  upon  a  resump- 
tion of  specie  payments.  The  obstacles  whicli  stand  in  the 
way  of  this  desirable  consummation  would  be  brushed  aside  by 
a  vigorous  movement.  The  Government,  sustained  by  the 
people  and  press,  would  encounter  less  difficulty  than  is  appre- 
hended. These  difiiculties  scarcely  exist  beyond  the  purlieus 
of  Wall  and  Broad  streets.  Resumption  is  hindered  by  the 
artificial  rather  than  tlie  intrinsic  value  of  gold.  If,  as  in  Apos- 
tolic days,  the  tables  of  the  money  changers  could  be  upset,  our 
eyes  and  hearts  would  soon  be  brightened  and  gladdened  by  the 
re-appearance  of  silver  and  gold.  If,  also,  as  was  generally 
conceded,  the  temporary  closing  of  the  Stock  Exchange  was  a 
relief,  would  not  the  abolition  or  demolition  of  the  Gold 
Exchange  be  a  positive  blessing?  Indeed,  it  is  almost  certain 
that  if  the  purchase  and  sale  of  gold  "  on  time  "  could  be  pro- 
hibited for  ninety  days,  resumption  without  other  aid  would  be 
an  accomplished  fact.    The  causes  which  retard  the  resumption 


V 


268  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

of  specie  payments  are  just  as  patent  as  those  which  occasion 
the  existing  financial  derangement  — -  a  derangement  wholly 
unnecessary  so  far  as  the  general  business  of  tlie  country  is 
concerned.  Our  agricultiu'al  and  commercial  circumstances 
and  conditions  were  never  more  prosperous  or  palmy.  The 
evils  from  which  we  are  now  suff erino'  are  the  lesritimate  fruits 
of  gambling  —  gambling  in  its  worst  forms  and  aspects,  because 
while  faro  bank  gambling  only  injures  those  who  put  down 
their  money,  the  Wall  and  Broad  street  gamblers  rob  and  ruin 
thousands  who  suppose  their  earnings  advantageously  invested 
or  safely  deposited.  In  other  words,  half  a  dozen  individuals, 
whom  I  could  name  as  leading  gamblers  in  Wall  and  Broad 
streets,  do  vastly  more  public  harm  and  are  more  rapacious  and 
profligate  men,  than  the  same  number  of  reputed  gamblers 
doing  business  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel. 

Vigilant  committees  have  in  some  emergencies  been  found 
to  be  not  only  a  necessity  but  a  salutary  remedy  for  universal 
and  overwhelming  vices  and  crimes.  The  highest  and  most 
beneficent  expressions  of  justice  have  occasionally  been  revealed 
in  an  unwritten  code  familiarly  known  as  "  Lynch  law."  If 
the  chief  gamblers  who  occasioned  the  gold  panic  of  1869,  and 
the  North  West  "  corner"  of  1872,  together  with  the  usurers 
who  brought  about  a  state  of  things  which  enabled  them  to 
loan  money  at  1  per  cent  a  day,  had  been  suspended  by  the 
neck  across  the  streets  which  they  desecrate,  the  city  would 
now  be  exempt  from  present  and  prospective  sufferings. 

The  future  of  our  country  is  by  no  means  unclouded.  There 
are  specks  in  its  horizon  bigger  than  a  man's  hand.  Genera- 
tioil§"of' idlers  grow  up  to  consume  what  their  fathers  produced. 
Agriculture  and  the  mechanic  arts  are  neglected.  The  practi- 
cal industries  of  the  country  langnish.  Without  emigration 
we  should  be  unable  to  cultivate  the  soil  or  supply  our  manu- 
facturing establishments  and  workshops.  Parents  no  longer 
charge  themselves  with  the  duty  of  preparing  their  sons  by 
precept  and  example  for  lives  of  industry  and  usefulness. 
Hence  we  have  an  army  of  young  men  seeking  a  precarious 
subsistence  in  offices  or  clerkships,  ending  sooner  or  later  in 
destitution  and  suffering. 

Absenteeism  is  becoming  a  serious  evil ;  the  strain,  though 


Akticlbs  of  Thuelow  Weed.  269 

less  severe  than  that  which  has  so  long  impoverished  Ireland, 
is  awakening  attention.  The  amount  of  gold  annually 
expended  abroad  is  computed  at  over  one  hundred  millions, 
every  dollar  of  which  is  practically  sunk,  for  even  the  passage 
money  goes  into  the  pockets  of  Europeans  for  the  support  of 
foreign,  to  the  exclusion  of  American  commerce.  The  moral 
of  all  this  is  that  our  country  has  grown  too  rich.  Nations, 
like  individuals,  are  most  happy  and  virtuous  while  by  indus- 
try  and  frugality  they  are  making  their  fortunes.  It  requires 
great  wisdom  and  thoughtfulness,  therefore,  on  the  part  of  the 
Government,  the  press,  and  those  who  mold  opinion,  to  guide 
and  guard  the  people  against  the  fatal  consequences  of  idleness 
and  luxury.  '  T.  W. 

I^Ew  YoEK,  October  20,  1873. 


THE  PEESIDENT'S  MAKIFESTO. 

A.  D.  18Y4. 


THE    NEOLECT    OF    CONGRESS INEFFICIENCY    OF    THE    SECRETARY 

OF    THE     TREASURY THE     PRESIDENT'S     HOSTILITY    TO     SMALL 

BILLS    DISAPPROVED FORMER    EXPERIMENTS    IN    THAT    DIREC- 
TION. 

New  York,  June  8,  1874. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune  : 

Sir  :  The  first  session  of  the  present  Congress  approaches 
the  day  of  adjournment,  and  yet  its  first  duty,  the  duty  para- 
mount to  all  others,  is  no  nearer  being  accomplished  than  it 
was  when  the  session  opened.  Indeed,  the  question  of  resum- 
ing specie  payments,  instead  of  being  advanced,  has  been 
retarded.  At  the  opening,  not  merely  high  hopes,  but  a  con- 
fident belief  was  universally  cherished.  These  hopes  and  that 
belief  have  been  disappointed.  And  yet  many  will  not,  can- 
not, relinquish  the  idea  that  Congress  will,  ere  the  session 
closes,  discharge  a  duty  which  its    members   cannot  fail  to 


270  Selections  fkom  the  Newspaper 

regard  as  indispensable  to  the  honor  of  the  country  and  the 
prosperity  of  the  jDeople.  Other  governments,  like  our  own, 
in  prosecuting  expensive  wars,  have  been  compelled  to  suspend 
specie  payments,  but  on  the  restoration  of  peace,  those  govern- 
ments like  our  own,  in  obedience  to  the  injunctions  of  duty 
and  honor,  have  made  it  their  first  business  to  provide  at  as 
earl}^  a  day  as  practicable,  for  the  pajanent  of  their  debts  in 
coin,  and  thus  restoring  their  varied  industries  to  the  prosperous 
condition  from  which  they  had  fallen. 

Congress  could  have  been  .aided  essentially  in  the  discharge 
of  its  financial  duties  by  a  capable  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
The  too  long  delayed,  but  finally  auspicious  change  in  the 
head  of  that  Department,  may  even  yet  encourage  and  stimu- 
late Congress.  Of  one  thing  members  may  be  assured,  and 
that  is,  if  they  adjourn  leaving  the  country  in  the  wretched 
financial  condition  they  found  it,  the  places  which  know  them 
now  will  be  hereafter  unknown  to  most  of  them  forever.  So 
strong  will  be  the  popular  feeling  against  a  delinquent  Con- 
gress that  the  good  will  be  confounded  with  the  bad. 

The  recent  publication  of  the  financial  views  of  the  Presi- 
dent, designed  to  explain  and  fortify  his  veto  message — a  mes- 
sage reflecting  the  highest  credit  upon  his  wisdom  and  courage 
—  is  in  one  respect  at  fault,  and  will,  I  fear,  weaken  the  chances 
of  any  wholesome  legislation.  The  President  has  fallen  into 
the  once  popular  delusion  relating  to  small  bank  notes.  The 
attempt  to  exclude  from  circulation  notes  under  the  denomina- 
tion of  $5,  was  tried  in  this  State  under  circumstances  as  favor- 
able to  the  success  of  the  experiment  as  could  possibly  exist. 
Relying  then,  as  now,  upon  the  example  of  England  and 
France,  the  Federal  and  State  Democratic  administrations  de- 
manded a  specie  currency.  Our  Legislature  passed  a  law  pro- 
hibiting the  issue  by  our  State  banks  of  any  note  under  the 
denomination  of  five  dollars.  The  result  proved  not  only 
inconvenient  and  unsatisfactory  to  every  business  interest,  but  \ 
accomplished  the  signal  overthrow  of  the  Democratic  party  in  \_^ 
this  State  in  1838,  and  that  of  the  Union  in  1840.  What  the 
American  people  require,  and  what  will  best  promote  their 
convenience  is  a  mixed  currency,  consisting  of  coin  and  paper, 
the  latter  properly  restricted  and  regulated,  and  convertible  at 


AkTICLES    of    ThIJELOW   WlCED.  271 

all  times  and  places  into  gold  and  silver.  Small  bills  (not  frac- 
tional) are  a  positive  conyenience,  wliilelhe  substitution  f  orTliem 
of  gold  and  silyer  would  prove  as  positive  an  inconvenience. 
I  will  not  stop  to  show  why  in  this  respect  onr  cii'cumstances 
and  conditions  place  the  question  of  small  bills  npon  a  finan- 
cial basis  differing  from  those  which  exist  in  England  and 
France.  But  I  venture  to  affirm  that  of  the  50,000  Ameri- 
cans traveling  in  Europe,  99  out  of  every  100  M'ould  prefer 
notes  of  the  value  of  $1,  $2,  $5  and  $10  of  the  Bank  of 
England  to  the  gold  and  silver  with  which  they  are  burdened. 
If,  either  by  Congressional  or  Legislative  action,  the  circulation 
of  small  notes  were  now  prohibited,  the  border  States  from 
Maine  to  Wisconsin  would  be  inundated  with  the  small  bills 
of  Canadian  banks. 

The  welcome  from  its  constituencies  which  awaits  a  Congress 
that  proves  itself  iiicapable  of  dealing  with  a  national  ques- 
tion vitally  and  directly  concerning  the  Commercial,  Agricul- 
tural, Manufacturing  and  Laboring  prosperity  and  welfare  of 
the  people  and  country  will  not  be  calculated  to  encourage 
imbecility  in  future  Representatives.  T.  "W. 

New  York,  June  6,  18TL 


THE  SILYEE  COKTROYEESY. 

A.  D.  1876. 


THE    VALUE    OF    SILVER    COIN    FIXED    BY    CONGRESS THE    PRES- 
ENT   TROUBLE   THE    RESULT    OF    THE    SILVER    ACT    OF    1873 A 

REPEAL    OF    THAT    ACT    ADVOCATED. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  T.  Tribune : 

Sir  :  My  last  letter  to  the  Tribune  closed  with  an  expres- 
sion of  satisfaction  that  one  leading  journal  recognized  "  two 
sides  to  the  silver  question."  I  have  now  to  regret  that  the 
discussion  and  development,  though  so  full  and  clear  as  to 
satisfy  the  average  mind,  do  not  change  or  modify  the  views 


272  Sp:lections  feom  the  Newspaper 

of  leading  Republican  jonrnals.  I  regret  this  the  more  be- 
cause these  jonrnals  are  likely  to  prevent  the  Republican  mem- 
bers of  Congress  from  exerting  themselves  in  .favor  of  the 
repeal  of  the  law  of  1873,  a  law  which  deprives  the  govern- 
ment of  its  right  to  pay  its  creditors  in  coin. 

The  letter  of  your  Washington  correspondent,  who  is  enti- 
tled to  great  credit  for  the  valuable  information  he  has 
obtained,  and  for  the  clear  and  forcible  conclusions  he  has 
drawn  fi-oni  his  researches,  supplemented  by  an  equally  inter- 
esting and  able  letter  written  by  a  gentleman  of  San  Francisco 
to  Gov  Dix,  cannot  fail  to  clear  away  the  mist  and  correct  the 
errors  which  darken  the  popular  mind  in  regard  to  one  of  the 
two  metals  recognized  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
and  until  1873,  regarded  as  equally  precious.  The  recent  dis- 
cussion of  the  silver  question  confirms  and  strengthens  the 
essential  points  raised  in  my  letter.  It  is  nowhere  denied  that 
until  the  act  of  1873,  silver,  equally  with  gold,  was  a  legal 
tender,  and  that  the  laws  authorizing  the  Treasury  Department 
to  borrow  $3,000,000,000  pledged  the  faith  of  the  government 
for  the  repayment  of  the  interest  and  principal  of  its  bonds  in 
gold  or  silver  coin.  But  for  the  ill-advised  action  of  Congress 
in  1873,  no  collision  of  opinion  would  or  could  have  arisen. 
All  that  remains,  therefore,  for  consideration  is  how  the  act  of 
1873,  aifects  the  interests  of  our  people  and  the  welfare  of  our 
country.  The  effect,  if  not  the  object,  of  that  act  was  to  de- 
preciate silver  and  appreciate  gold.  The  usance  on  gold,  conse- 
quently, has  been  obstinately  maintained,  and,  as  a  corollary, 
demonetized  silver  suffers  a  corresponding  depreciation  in 
value.  What,  then,  would  be  the  effect  of  the  repeal  of  the 
law  of  1873  ?  Would  not  the  price  of  gold  go  down  and  that 
of  silver  come  up  until,  as  formerly,  their  relative  values 
approximated  ? 

It  will  be  urged  that  the  silver  dollar  is  not  equal  in  value 
to  the  gold  dollar.  The  answer  is  that  Congress  is  directed  by 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  fix  and  regulate  the 
value  of  both  metals,  neither  being  a  legal  tender  without 
such  regulation.  There  is  more  than  poetic  truth  in  the  fol- 
lowing suggestive  extract  from  Burns : 

"  The  rank  is  but  the  guinea'  stamp, 
The  man's  the  gowd  for  a'  that." 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  2Y3 

Witliout  tlie  stamp,  silver  and  gold  would  take  tlieir  places 
with  tlie  baser  metals,  selling  in  the  market  for  what  they  were 
practically  w^orth.  Their  extrinsic  value  is  imparted  by  the 
Government  stamp.  I  have  deplored,  in  common  with  other 
citizens,  the  lack  of  statesmanship  at  Washington.  With 
truly  enlightened  and  patriotic  men  in  Congress,  the  law  of 
1873,  depriving  the  people  and  the  country  of  one  of  their 
two  legal  tender  coinages,  would  have  found  little  favor  in 
either  House  of  Congress.  But,  unhappily,  Webster,  Clay, 
Seward,  Mangum,  Elislia  Whittlesey,  John  Sergeant,  Marcy, 
Wright,  etc.,  etc.,  have  departed,  leaving  no  successors  equal  to 
an  emergency  which  the  rebellion  occasioned.  Hence  the 
passage  of  a  law  w:liicli  now  causes  general  surprise,  and  will, 
when  its  malign  influences  are  better  understood,  excite  gen- 
eral indignation.  For  when  it  comes  to  be  well  understood 
that  by  striking  silver  out  of  the  legal  tender  currency  a  dis- 
astrous blow  was  struck  at  the  industries  of  the  country,  so 
great  a  wrong  will  not  be  patiently  endured.  Congress  is  sup- 
posed to  represent  the  interests  of  the  whole  country  ;  but  in 
making  gold,  and  gold  only,  a  legal  tender,  the  interest  of  a 
small  class  only  was  consulted.  The  premium  on  gold  is  per- 
petuated by  a  law  of  Congress,  while  these  premiums  are 
squeezed,  drop  by  droj),  from  the  brow  of  labor.  ]^ow  I  take 
leave  to  ask  Representatives  and  Senators  how  long  in  their 
judgment  this  sweating  process  in  favor  of  capital  and  against 
labor,  can  be  practiced  with  impunity  ?  The  citizens  of  the 
Western  States  demand  a  repeal  of  the  wn-ong  law.  They 
oppose  resumption,  under  the  erroneous  impression  that  it  nec- 
essarily aggravates  the  evils  from  which  we  are  all  suffering. 
The  real  difficulty  is  that  Congress  has  required  resumption  in 
1879,  without  having  taken  any  step  to  facilitate  or  aid  resump- 
tion. I^or  is  the  "masterly  inactivity"  of  Congress  its  great- 
est fault.  The  act  of  1873,  demonetizing  silver,  renders  it  im- 
possible to  resume  without  greatly  increasing  the  burdens, 
losses  and  sufferings  of  the  commercial,  manufacturing  and 
laboring  classes.  Meanwdiile  the  bondholders  and  foreigners 
from  whom  we  purchase  luxuries  profit  largely. 

If  those  who  urged  the  repeal  of  the  resumption  act  had 
been  wise  enough  to  see  that  their  interests  would  liave  been 
better  served  by  a  repeal  of  the  act  of  1873,  that  repeal  would 
35 


274  Selections  from  the  ^Newspaper 

liave  been  accomplished,  and  we  should  have  soon  found  our- 
selves upon  a  broad  avenue  with  an  open  silver  gate  leading  to 
resumption  and  prosperity.  T.  W. 

New  York,  August  5,  18Y6. 


SILYEE  IS  LAWFUL  MOISTEY. 

A.  D.  18Y6. 


To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  J^.  Tribune  : 

Sir  :  I  have  been  a  '•  looker  on  "  for  several  months  during 
the  discussions  in  Congress  and  in  the  Press,  of  the  silver  ques- 
tion. My  merely  superficial  knowledge  of  finance  leads  to  so 
much  distrust  that  I  approach  the  subject  with  much  hesitation. 
Yet  so  strong  are  my  intuitions  that  leading  journalists  are 
misleading  their  readers,  that  I  have  determined  to  break 
silence.  The  persistent  effort  to  reject  silver  as  an  element  in 
resumption  seems  to  me  so  manifestly  unwise  that  I  desire  to 
call  attention  to  facts  which  most  of  those  who  speak  or  write 
upon  the  question  have  forgotten,  or  choose  to  ignore. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  confers  upon  Con- 
gress the  power  to  "coin  money,"  and  in  a  subsequent  section 
prohibits  the  State  from  coining  money,  or  from  making  "  any 
thing  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts." 
Gold  and  silver  coin,  therefore,  is  declared  by  the  fundamental 
law  a  legal  tender  in  the  payment  of  debts,  and  hence  gold  and 
silver  became  the  specie  currency  of  our  country.  Every  law 
of  Congress  authorizing  the  issue  of  bonds  and  notes,  the  pro- 
ceeds from  the  sale  of  which  were  used  to  preserve  the  govern- 
ment and  Union,  provided  that  both  the  interest  and  principal 
of  those  obligations  (amounting  in  the  aggregate  to  nearly 
three  thousand  millions)  should  be  paid  "in  coin,"  and- 
finally,  on  the  18th  of  March,  1869,  when  it  was  deemed  im- 
portant to  solemnly  assure  the  public  creditors  of  the  good 


Aeticles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  275 

faith  of  the  government,  Congress  passed  a  declaratory  law, 
saying  that : 

"  The  faith  of  the  United  States  is  solemnly  pledged  to  the 
payment  in  coin  or  its  eqnivalent  of  all  the  obligations  of  the 
United  States  not  bearing  interest,  known  as  United  States 
notes,  and  of  all  the  interest-bearing  obligations,  except  in 
cases  where  the  law  authorizing  the  issue  of  any  such  obliga- 
tion has  expressly  provided  that  the  same  may  be  paid  in  law- 
ful money,  or  in  other  currency  than  gold  and  silver.  *  *  * 
And  the  United  States  also  solemnly  pledges  its  faith  to  make 
provision  at  the  earliest  practicable  period  for  a  redemption  of 
the  United  States  notes  in  coin." 

The  Court  of  Appeals  of  the  State  of  Kew  York,  having 
decided  that  a  contract  made  before  the  passage  of  tlie  legal 
tender  act,  payable  expressly  "  in  gold  and  silver  coin,  lawful 
money  of  the  United  States,"  might  be  paid  and  satisfied  by  a 
tender  of  United  States  notes,  the  case  was  taken  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  at  Washington,  by  whom 
the  decision  was  reversed.  Chief  Justice  Chase,  in  announc- 
ing the  opinion  of  the  court,  in  February,  1869,  said  :  "  The 
coined  dollar  Avas  a  piece  of  gold  or  silver  of  a  certain  degree 
of  purity  and  weight.  The  note  dollar  was  a  promise  to  pay  a 
coined  dollar."  By  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  by 
the  laws  of  Congress  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury to  borrow  three  thousand  millions,  and  by  the  langnage  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  "silver  and  gold" 
have  been  solemnly  declared  and  affirmed  to  be  legal  tender  in 
the  payment  of  debts.  The  distinction,  therefore,  between  the 
values  of  silver  and  gold  which  has  recently  obtained  is  in  dis- 
regard of  the  constitutional,  legislative  and  judicial  authorities  ; 
and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  throughout  the  commercial  world 
silver  has  been  for  centuries  and  is  now,  more  largely  used 
than  gold,  this  new  revelation  rests  upon  extrinsic,  artificial 
and  arbitrary  ideas  and  acts.  It  might,  with  far  better  reason, 
be  claimed  that  gold  should  not  be  a  legal  tender  because, 
unlike  silver,  it  has  never  had  an  international  circulation. 
Even  in  England  and  France,  divided  only  by  a  narrow  chan- 
nel, the  English  sovereign,  with  the  Queen's  head  on  it,  and 
the  Napoleon,  with  the  emperor's  profile,  circulate  principally 


2Y6  Selections  from  the  IS^ewspaper 

in  their  own  dominions,  wliile  tlie  Spanish  milled  dollar,  the 
Mexican  dollar,  the  French  franc  and  the  English  shilling  have 
a  world-wide  circulation.  Nor  has  silver  been  the  cur- 
rency of  modern  civilization  only.  It  was  a  "  legal  tender " 
when  "  fine  gold,"  like  "  rubies,"  was  only  "  precious "  for 
ornament.  The  Jewish  shekel  was  silver.  Joseph  was  sold  to 
the  Ishmaelites  by  his  brethren  for  "  twenty  pieces  of  silver,'^" 
and  Judas,  for  the  betrayal  of  our  Saviour,  received  "  thirty 
pieces  of  silver."  As  early  as  we  have  any  knowledge  of  cur- 
rency, silver  was  its  basis  and  was  the  medium  of  exchange 
for  all  commodities. 

It  is  claimed  that  the  largely  increased  supply  of  silver 
from  the  American  mines  is  affecting  its  value  throughout  the 
world.  This  result,  when  we  were  augmenting  our  public 
debt,  was  anticipated.  Our  ability  to  pay  both  the  principal 
and  interest  was  based  in  part  upon  the  value  of  mines  then 
being  developed  in  the  far  West.  And  now  that  these  hopes 
are  realized,  shall  we  voluntarilj'^  deprive  ourselves  of  a  resource 
which  will  essentially  aid  in  re-establishing  and  restoring  the 
credit  and  prosperity  of  the  country  ?  Congress,  under  author- 
ity derived  from  the  Constitution,  inaugurated  the  coinage  of 
silver  and  gold,  fixing  the  value  of  each.  That  authority 
remains.  Congress  has  the  power  to  day,  as  it  had  the  day 
after  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  to  coin  silver  into  money, 
to  fix  its  value  and  to  declare  it  a  legal  tender.  In  this  view 
of  the  question,  the  discovery  and  development  of  rich  silver 
mines  was  providential.  Why,  then,  if  Europeans  deprecate 
the  abundance  of  American  silver,  should  we  readily  join  in  a 
temporarily  popular  cry  against  it  ?  If  it  be  just  or  wise  or 
patriotic  to  unite  in  the  efforts  to  depreciate  the  value  of  silver 
because  our  mines  are  too  prolific,  would  it  not  be  equally  so 
to  unite  with  foreign  countries  to  cry  down  the  price  of  agri- 
cultural products  when  our  bountiful  harvests  enable  us  to 
export  largelj"  to  Europe  ?  I  have  insisted  in  former  com- 
munications that  a  return  to  specie  payments,  so  desirable  in 
all  respects,  did  not  necessarily  require  "  contraction  "  or  suffer- 
ing. Resumption  is  not  cruel  nor  relentless.  It  could  have 
been  made  not  only  easy,  but  beneficent.  This,  however,  re- 
quired statesmanship.  It  was  in  the  power  of  the  Adminis- 
tration and  Congress,  had  they  set  themselves  diligently  and 


Articles  of  Thuklow  "Weed.  2YT 

wisely  to  the  task  ten  years  ago,  to  have  accomphshed  resump- 
tion without  deranging,  depressing  or  disturbing  any  section, 
any  class  or  any  interest.  But,  most  unhappily,  the  statesman- 
ship which  the  emergency  demanded  was  lacking.  The  Ad- 
ministration and  Congress  have  only  been  distinguished  as 
"  Circumlocutionists."  Their  efforts  toward  resumption  so  far 
have  been  in  the  direction  of  "  how  not  to  do  it ; "  and 
finally,  when  the  proposed  action  of  Congress  on  the  silver 
question  evinces  a  disposition  to  learn  how  to  do  it,  resistance 
comes  from  leading  and  influential  journals! 

Silver  has  quietly  taken  the  place  of  fractional  currency. 
Our  eyes  and  ears  are  again  gladdened  by  the  sight  and  chink 
of  bright  silver  dimes,  quarter  and  half-dollars.  Had  the 
advent  of  this  precious  currency  been  cheerfullj'-  accepted  by 
capitalists,  bankers  and  journalists,  resumption  would  have 
been  more  than  half  accomplished,  while  what  remained  to  be 
done  would  have  been  much  more  easily  achieved. 

But  to  return  for  a  moment  to  the  legal  view  of  the  question. 
The  Government  agreed  to  pay  its  creditors  "in  coin,"  i.e., 
silver  or  gold.  The  creditor  lent  his  money  upon  this  condi- 
tion. Has  either  party  a  right  to  impair  the  contract  ?  If  silver 
instead  of  gold  had  appi'eciated,  could  the  Government  for  that 
reason  have  refused  to  pay  its  creditors  in  silver?  And  is  the 
creditor,  because  we  have  more  silver  than  was  expected  either 
by  him  or  the  Government,  at  liberty  to  refuse  it  ?  The  Gov- 
ernment should  be  held  strictly  to  its  obligation  as  "  nominated 
in  the  bond."  But  the  creditor  in  demanding  his  "pound  of 
flesh  "  may  not,  at  his  peril,  draw  "  one  drop  of  blood."  Let 
the  Government  pay  all  it  owes,  and  all  it  agreed  to  pay  to  its 
creditors.  I  cannot,  however,  sympathize  with  those  who  are 
so  fastidiously  watchful  of  the  interests  of  the  bondholders, 
for  I  fail  to  discover  in  that  class  of  creditors,  either  at  home 
or  abroad,  any  thing  which  entitles  them  to  more  consideration 
than  the  other  and  much  larger  classes  who  receive  for  their 
labor  depreciated  paper.  The  former,  by  the  forces  which  cap- 
ital knows  so  well  how  to  utilize,  have  been  greatly  favored. 
The  large  bondholders,  foreign  and  domestic,  paid  less  than 
par  for  securities  which  now  bear  a  high  premium.  This  was 
their  privilege,  but  this  does  not  give  them,  in  justice  or 
equity,  the  right  to  refuse  silver  and  demand  gold,  because 


278  Selections  feom  the  JSTewspapee 

since  the  contract  was  entered  into,  the  manipulations  of  cap- 
ital have  depressed  the  former  and  appreciated  tlie  latter. 

Until  this  morning  I  had  seen  nothing  in  onr  journals 
expressive  of  the  views  on  this  subject  which  I  have  enter- 
tained. The  communication  in  to-day's  Tribune^  over  the  sig- 
nature of  "G.,"  compresses  the  argument  into  a  brief  space. 
But  there  is  so  much  truth  and  such  clear  and  strong  common 
sense  commending  it  to  attention,  that  I  hope  it  will  be  exten- 
sively read.  And  what  is  still  more  encouraging,  your  own 
editorial  of  to-day  seems  to  authorize  a  hope  that  at  least  one 
leading  journal  may  come  to  see  that  there  are  two  sides  to 
the  silver  question.  T.  W. 

J^Ew  York,  July  25,  1876. 


ANCIENT   USE  OF  SILYER. 

A.  D.  1877. 


A     banker's    sneer    at   the    use    of    silver    as    money BIBLI- 
CAL   PROOF     OF    ITS     employment     IN     BUSINESS     DEALINGS     BY 

THE    ANCIENTS PAYMENT    OF     THE     UNITED    STATES    BONDS    IN 

COIN,     RIGHT REMONETIZATION    NECESSARY. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune : 

Sib  :  Journals  opposed  to  the  remonetizing  of  silver,  having 
exhausted  the  only  legitimate  grounds  of  hostility,  seem  to 
think  that  their  purpose  may  be  served  by  ridiculing  the 
"  Dollar  of  our  Fathers."  I  confess  surprise  and  regret  in 
finding  these  flippant  paragraphs  in  leading  and  influential 
journals  —  your  own  included.  Probably  the  subordinates 
rather  than  the  editors  of  these  journals  are  to  be  credited 
with  the  wisdom  which  disparages  the  "Dollar  of  our 
Fathers."  Persons  of  mature  age,  with  average  common 
sense,  will  tell  you  that  the  "  Dollar  of  our  Fathers  "  was  also 
the  dollar  of  our  grandfathers,  of  our  great-grandfathers,  of 
their    grandfathers   and   great-grandfathers,    and    that   silver 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  2Y9 

pieces  were  tlie  currency  of  our  forefathers  and  ancestors 
through  every  generation  back  and  up  to  Father  Abraham  — 
for  which,  as  Captain  Cuttle  would  say,  "  overhaul  the  Book  of 
Genesis." 

Early  in  the  present  month  a  convention  of  bankers  was 
held  in  this  city.  From  that  intelligent  body  of  experienced 
and  practical  financiers  I  anticipated  an  expression  favoring 
resumption  upon  a  constitutional  basis.  As  a  result  of  its 
deliberations,  the  following  resolution  was  adopted : 

Resolved^  That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  convention,  silver 
money,  as  a  subsidiary  currency,  is  desired  by  the  people,  and 
that  its  free  and  not  enforced  use  will  greatly  aid  in  restoring 
the  value  of  om*  "  paper  money." 

Even  this  cjualified  concession  from  a  convention  of  bank- 
ers seems  to  have  been  extorted.  The  people  having  with 
entire  unanimity  joyfully  welcomed  back  a  silver  currency,  the 
bankers  graciously  yield  iis  the  use  of  subsidiary  silver,  pro- 
vided that  its  circulation  is  not  enforced.  Perhaps  the  people 
ought  to  be  grateful  for  so  much,  but  as  we  obtained  and  enjoy 
subsidiary  silver  without  their  aid,  I,  for  one,  shall  withhold 
the  expression  of  my  thankfulness.  Mr.  Hayes,  a  Detroit 
banker,  who  favored  the  adoption  of  this  resolution,  fortified 
his  own  opinion  of  the  worthlessness  of  silver  as  money  by  a 
scriptural  reference,  as  follows  : 

Mr.  Hayes,  in  support  of  that  resolution,  said  : 

"  I  wish  to  read  a  paper  embodying  an  opinion  on  the  silver 
question  that  is  considerably  older  than  we  are  :  '  And  all  the 
drinking  vessels  of  King  Solomon  were  of  gold,  and  all  the 
vessels  of  the  house  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon  were  of  pure 
gold,  none  were  of  silver.  It  was  not  any  thing  accounted  of 
in  the  days  of  Solomon.     2  Chronicles,  ix,  9.'  "     [Applause.] 

The  scriptural  wisdom  of  the  Detroit  banker  was  empha- 
sized by  applause,  and  the  resolution  was  forthwith  adopted. 
In  the  published  proceedings  of  the  bankers'  convention  Mr, 
Hayes'  scriptural  reference  appears  to  have  been  accepted  as 
evidence  that,  in  the  days  of  Solomon,  silver  as  money  was 
"not  any  thing  accounted  of."  The  true  reading  of  the  scrip- 
tural quotation  shows  that  the  drinking  vessels  in  the  days  of 
Solomon  were  of  gold,  and  that  for  such  and  other  ornamental 


280  Selections  fkom  the  ISTewspapee 

pnq3oses  silver  was  "  not  any  thing  accounted  of  ;  "  but  it  will 
be  seen,  by  the  scriptural  authorities  which  follow,  that  silver 
was  "  accounted  of  "  as  money  not  only  in  the  days  of  Solo- 
mon, but  during  all  the  centuries  comprehended  in  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  from  Genesis  to  Kevelations.  Abra- 
ham's purchase  of  a  burial  place  is  thus  recorded  in  Genesis  : 

Chap,  xxiii,  15tli  and  16th  verses:  "My  Lord,  hearken 
unto  me ;  the  land  is  worth  four  hundred  shekels  of  silver ; 
what  is  that  betwixt  me  and  Thee  !  bury,  therefore,  thy  dead. 
And  Abraham  hearkened  unto  Ephron,  and  Abraham  weighed 
to  Ephron  the  silver  which  he  had  named  in  the  audience  of 
the  Sons  of  Hetli,  four  hundred  shekels  of  silver,  current  money 
with  the  merchants." 

Silver,  therefore,  as  early  after  the  flood  as  we  have  any 
account,  was,  according  to  the  Book  of  Genesis,  "  current 
money  with  the  merchants."  Again,  in  the  twentieth  chapter 
of  Genesis,  sixteenth  verse :  "  And  unto  Sarah  he  said.  Behold, 
I  have  given  thy  brother  a  thousand  pieces  of  silver."  The 
story  of  Joseph,  which  furnishes  further  scriptural  evidence  of 
the  nse  of  silver  as  a  money  standard,  possesses  a  value  so  very 
mnch  higher  that  it  cannot  be  too  often  read.  There  is  noth- 
ing to  be  found  in  the  literature  of  the  world  to  compare  in 
beauty  of  style,  purity  of  thought  or  perfection  of  language, 
with  the  graphic  and  touchingly  narrated  story  of  the  youth 
who  was  sold  into  bondage  by  his  brethren,  and  subseqiiently 
became  a  ruler  in  Egypt. 

I  can  only  now  transcribe  such  passages  as  prove  that  silver 
was  the  currency  of  the  Israelites  and  the  Egyptians :  Genesis 
xxxvii,  28th  verse,  "  And  they  drew  and  lifted  up  Joseph 
out  of  the  pit,  and  sold  Joseph  to  the  Ishmaelites  for  twenty 
pieces  of  silver."  Genesis  xlv,  22d  verse,  "  But  to  Benja- 
min he  gave  three  hundred  pieces  of  silver."  In  the  book  of 
Exodus,  chapter  xxi,  32d  verse,  law-breakers  were  required 
to  atone  for  their  offenses  by  the  payment  of  fines.  "  If  an  ox 
shall  push  a  man-servant  or  a  maid-servant,  he  shall  give  unto 
their  master  thirty  shekels  of  silver."  In  the  book  of  Judges, 
chapter  ix,  4th  verse,  the  crimes  of  conspiracy  and  murder 
are  thus  mentioned  :  "  And  they  gave  him  three-score  and  ten 
pieces  of   silver  out  of   the  house  of  Baal-berith,  wherewith 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  281 

Abimelech  hired  vain  and  light  persons,  which  followed  him." 
Again,  in  the  book  of  Judges,  chapter  xvi,  5th  verse,  it  will 
be  seen  that  Delilah,  the  w^ife  of  Samson,  betrayed  her  hus- 
band, and  was  liberally  paid  in  "money  current  with  the 
merchants  "  of  that  day ;  "  And  the  lords  of  the  Philistines 
came  up  unto  her,  and  said  unto  her,  '  entice  him,  and  see 
wherein  his  great  strength  lieth,  and  by  what  means  we  may 
prevail  against  him,  and  we  will  give  thee  every  one  of  us 
eleven  hundred  pieces  of  silver.'  "  In  the  same  book,  chapter 
xvii,  2d  verse,  a  son  who  had  robbed  his  mother  makes  con- 
fession :  "  And  he  said  unto  his  mother,  '  The  eleven  hundred 
shekels  of  silVer  that  were  taken  from  thee,  about  which  thou 
cursedest,  and  spakest  of  also  in  mine  ears,  behold,  the  silver 
is  with  me ;  I  took  it.' "  In  the  book  of  2  Samuel,  chapter 
xviii,  11th  verse,  it  will  be  seen  that  silver  was  the  currency 
of  King  David :  "  And  Joab  said  unto  the  man  that  told  him, 
'  And,  behold,  thou  sawest  him,  and  why  didst  thou  not  smite 
him  there  to  the  ground  ?  and  I  would  have  given  thee  ten 
shekels  of  silver,  and  a  girdle ; '  "  "  and  the  man  said  unto 
Joab,  '  Though  I  should  receive  a  thousand  shekels  of  silver  in 
mine  hand,  yet  would  I  not  put  forth  mine  hand  against  the 
King's  son.' "  Again,  in  the  same  book,  chapter  xxiv,  24tli 
verse :  "  So  David  bought  the  threshing  floor  and  the  oxen  for 
fifty  shekels  of  silver."  Silver  was  the  currency  in  Samaria, 
as  will  be  seen  in  the  book  of  2  Kings,  vi,  25 :  "  And  there 
was  a  great  famine  in  Samaria ;  and,  behold,  they  besieged  it, 
until  an  ass's  head  was  sold  for  four-score  pieces  of  silver,  and 
the  fourth  part  of  a  cab  of  dove's  dung  for  live  pieces  of 
silver."  Subsequently,  when  the  King  of  Assyria  besieged 
Menahem,  King  of  Israel,  he  was  bought  off,  and  the  tribute 
money  was  thus  collected  (2  Kings,  xv,  19,  20) :  "  And  Pul, 
the  King  of  Assyria,  came  against  the  land;  and  Menahem 
gave  Pul  a  thousand  talents  of  silver,  that  his  hand  might  be 
with  him  to  confirm  the  kingdom  in  his  hand  ; "  "  And  Mena- 
hem exacted  the  money  of  Israel,  even  of  all  the  mighty  men 
of  wealth,  of  each  man  fifty  shekels  of  silver  to  give  to  the 
King  of  Assyria."  Nehemiah,  the  governor  of  Judah,  who 
received  no  compensation  for  his  services,  says,  in  chapter  v, 
15th  verse,  that  former  governors  received  "  forty  shekels  of 
silver."  In  the  book  of  Jeremiah,  chapter  xxxii,  9th  verse, 
36 


282  Selections  from  the  I^ewspapee 

another  transaction  in  silver  is  recorded :  "  And  I  bought  the 
field  of  Hanameel,  my  uncle's  son,  that  was  in  Anathoth,  and 
weighed  him  the  money,  even  seventeen  shekels  of  silver." 
In  the  days  of  Hosea,  chapter  iii,  2d  verse,  men  obtained 
wives  by  purchase :  "  So  I  bought  her  to  me  for  fifteen  pieces 
of  silver."  Passing  from  the  Old  to  the  New  Testament,  the 
evidence  that  silver  continued  to  be  a  standard  is  found  in  the 
most  eventful  and  impressive  lessons  in  history,  namely,  the 
betrayal  of  Jesus  by  Judas  Iscariot,  for  "  thirty  pieces  of 
silver,"  his  remorse  for  his  act,  suicide,  and  the  purchase  of  a 
"  potters'  field  to  bury  strangers  in  "  with  the  ^ame  "  thirty 
pieces  of  silver."  In  one  of  the  parables  silver  is  recognized 
by  our  Saviour  himself  as  the  money  standard  of  liis  day  — 
St.  Luke,  chapter  xv,  8th  verse :  "  Either  what  woman  hav- 
ing ten  pieces  of  silver,  if  she  lose  one  piece,  doth  not  light  a 
candle  and  sweep  the  house,  and  seek  diligently  till  she  find 
it."  At  Ephesus  certain  Jews  who  had  become  believers 
evinced  their  sincerity  by' sacrifices  which  were  estimated  at 
which  used  curious  arts,  brought  their  books  together  and 
burned  them  before  all  men  ;  and  they  counted  the  price  of 
them,  and  found  it  50,000  pieces  of  silver."  And,  finally,  in 
the  third  chapter  and  sixth  verse  of  Acts  :  "  Then  Peter  said, 
silver  and  gold  have  I  none,  but  such  as  I  have  give  I  thee ; 
in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  of  JSTazareth,  rise  up  and  walk. " 

I  might  go  on  multiplying  scriptural  authorities,  but  enough 
is  given  to  show  that  silver  as  money  "  was  current"  among 
merchants  a  thousand  years  before  and  nearly  two  thousand 
after  the  advent  of  our  Saviour.  And  yet  a  national  conven- 
tion of  bankers  greeted  the  reference  of  one  of  its  delegates  to 
a  passage  of  Scripture,  showing  that  in  the  days  of  King  Sol- 
omon silver  was  "  not  any  thing  accounted  of"  for  "  drinking 
cups,"  with  "  applause  ! "  But  while  the  luxurious  Kings  of 
the  Old  World  reveled  in  gold  drinking  cups,  silver  was  the 
money  current  among  their  subjects. 

Silver  was  almost  exclusively  the  currency  of  the  American 
colonies,  li^ew  England  was  supplied  with  silver  coins  from 
London.  Maryland  received  its  silver  currency  from  Lord  Balti- 
more, whose  "  superscription  "  was  impressed  upon  the  coins. 
This  question  isliow  before  Congress,  where  it  is  being  thought- 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  283 

fully  and  earnestly  considered.  The  discussion  will  establish 
the  fact  that  silver  and  gold  are  constitutional  money  stand- 
ards ;  that  the  debts  created  to  achieve  our  national  independ- 
ence, and  subsequently,  in  the  war  with  England,  to  maintain 
that  independence,  were  paid  in  silver  and  gold ;  and,  finally, 
that  in  the  debt,  created  to  preserve  the  Union,  our  Govern- 
ment stipulated  that  its  creditors  should  receive  payment  of 
principal  and  interest  in  coin.  With  such  land-marks  to  guide 
its  deliberations.  Congress  will  find  the  financial  problem  of 
the  day,  easy  of  solution.  The  repeal  of  the  law  of  1873, 
demonetizing  silver,  with  a  clause  directing  the  recoinage  of 
the  "  Dollar  of  our  Fathers,"  will  not  only  make  resumption 
easy,  but  insure  the  return  of  prosperity  to  the  "  toiling  mil- 
lions," whose  unexampled  privations  have  been  endured  with 
exemplary  forbearance.  T.  W. 

ISTew  York,  Noveiriber  2,  1877. 


THE   SILVER   QUESTION. 

A.  D.  1877. 


GENERAL  GRANT  ON  SILVER  AS  A  STANDARD BONDHOLDERS  AND 

LABOR THE  LATE  VISIT  OF  NEW  YORK  BUSINESS  MEN  IN  WASH- 
INGTON  ALBANY    BANKERS    IN    FAVOR    OF    SILVER. 

To  the  Editor  of  The  N.  Y.  Tribune : 

Sir  :  I  find  myself  unexpectedly  stigmatized  as  an  "  Infla- 
tionist "  and  "  Repudiator."  I  say  unexpectedly,  because, 
during  considerably  more  than  half  a  century  of  journalisin, 
my  efiiorts  were  uniformly  in  favor  of  a  sound  currency  and 
against  repudiation.  Conscious  only  of  a  desire  to  be  useful,  I 
can  afford  to  be  misunderstood,  or  even  misrepresented, 
especially  so  while  advocating  a  silver  standard,  the  authority 
for  doing  so  being  derived  from  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.     Under  that  authority  the  government  has  borrowed 


284  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

and  paid  tlionsands  of  millions  of  dollars  in  coin.  J^o  one 
qnestioned  tlie  money  value  of  silver.  It  was  equally  precious 
with  gold,  until  in  18Y3  it  was  secretly  demonetized.  A  bill 
ostensibly  intended  to  regulate  the  government  mints  contained 
a  clause  demonetizing  silver,  but  so  cautiously  drawn  as  to  con- 
ceal its  purpose.  Nothing  appears  in  the  debate  showing  that 
any  Member  of  Congress  was  aware  that  a  bill,  apparently 
harmless,  not  only  deprived  the  country  of  one-half  of  its 
monetary  power,  but  was  in  violation  of  the  Constitution.  The 
title  of  the  law  of  1873,  as  will  be  seen,  furnished  no  intimation 
that  it  contained  such  a  sweeping  clause :  "An  Act  revising 
and  amending  the  laws  relative  to  the  mints,  assay  offices,  and 
coinage  of  the  United  States."  The  conspirators,  however, 
did  not  accomplish  all  they  desired  by  the  act  of  1873.  The 
following  section  found  its  way  into  the  Revised  Statutes, 
which  were  enacted  in  bulk  in  1874 : 

The  silver  coins  of  the  United  States  shall  be  a  legal  tender, 
at  their  nominal  value,  for  any  amount  not  exceeding  $5  in 
any  one  payment. 

The  chairman  of  the  committee  who  submitted  the  report, 
assured  the  House  that  it  contained  nothing  but  what  was 
found  in  the  special  and  separate  enactments  of  Congress. 
And  yet  there  was  nothing  in  any  act  of  Congress  giving  the 
semblance  of  authority  for  the  section  above  quoted.  These 
double  frauds  were  perpetrated  without  the  knowledge  of  those 
who  voted  for  them,  and  without  attracting  the  attention  of 
newspaper  correspondents.  Nor  did  the  President,  in  approv- 
ing the  bills  referred  to,  know  or  suspect  that  either  struck  a 
fatal  blow  at  the  interests  of  the  country  and  the  welfare  of 
the  people.  In  a  letter  written  by  General  Grant,  dated  Octo- 
ber 3, 1873,  seven  months  after  the  passage  of  the  law  relating 
to  mints,  etc.,  he  said  : 

I  wonder  that  silver  is  not  already  coming  into  the  market 
to  supply  the  deficiency  in  the  circulating  medium.  *  -5^  * 
Experience  has  proved  that  it  takes  about  $1:0,000,000  of  frac- 
tional currency  to  make  the  small  change  necessary  for  the 
transaction  of  the  business  of  the  country.  Silver  will  grad- 
ually take  the  place  of  this  currency,  and,  further,  will  become 
the  standard  of  values,  which  will  be  hoarded  in  a  small  way. 
I  estimate  that  this  will  consume  from  $200,000,000  to  $300,- 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  285 

000,000,  in  time,  of  this  species  of  our  circulating  medium.  * 
*  *  I  confess  to  a  desire  to  see  a  limited  hoarding  of 
money.  But  I  want  to  see  a  hoarding  of  something  that  is  a 
standard  of  value  the  world  over.  Silver  is  this.  *  *  * 
Our  mines  are  now  producing  almost  unlimited  amounts  of 
silver,  and  it  is  hecoming  a  question,  "  What  shall  we  do  with 
it?"  I  suggest  here  a  solution  which  will  answer  for  some 
years,  to  put  it  in  circulation,  keeping  it  there  until  it  is  fixed, 
and  then  we  will  find  other  markets. 

The  President  did  not  know  that  he  had  approved  and 
signed  a  bill  prohibiting  the  coinage  of  a  currency  he  valued  so 
highly  !  It  was  not  until  1874,  when  the  Code  was  adopted, 
that  the  coinage  of  subsidiary  silver  was  authorized,  and  became 
a  legal  tender  for  $5.  And  finally,  wheu  these  frauds,  perpe- 
trated to  keep  gold  at  a  premiuin  for  the  benefit  of  bond- 
holders, became  known,  no  word  of  reprobation  has  been 
heard.  The  Press,  generally  alert,  vigilant  and  outspeaking, 
has  no  word  of  condemnation  against  a  conspiracy  to  cripple 
and  oppress  the  industries  and  labor  of  the  country.  On  the 
contrary,  our  leading  journals  bitterly  assail  those  who  labor 
to  restore  to  the  country  a  money  standard  of  which  it  was 
fraudulently  deprived.  We  are  stigmatized  as  silver  infiation- 
ists,  for  asking  the  Government  to  re-establish  a  financial  basis 
under  which  the  country  and  people  were  prosperous  and 
happy  for  more  than  eighty  years. 

This  cpiestion,  stripped  of  sophistry  and  verbiage,  presents  a 
naked  issue  of  capital  against  labor.  Shylocks,  ever  rapacious, 
are  struggling  to  "  keep  up  the  rate  of  usance."  In  maintain- 
ing the  one  standard ^ — -thus  narrowing  our  specie  basis  one- 
half —  they  will  strengthen  and  perpetuate .  their  advantages. 
There  has  been,  as  there  ever  must  be,  between  the  thousands 
who  labor  and  the  hundreds  who  enjoy  the  fruits  of  such 
labor,  an  irrepressible  conflict.  It  is  the  duty  of  Governments 
to  see  that  the  faces  of  those  who  labor  ai'e  not  held  too  closely 
to  the  grindstone. 

The  country  is  threatened  as  is  usual,  when  capital  takes  an 
alarm,  with  the  return  of  the  bonds  held  abroad,  should  the 
holders  be  asked  to  receive  their  interest  "  in  coin."  If  for- 
eigners choose  to  return  their  bonds  because  we  offer  to  pay 
them  in  the  precise  currency  they  agreed  to  receive,  I  do  not 
see  that  either  our  character  or  our  pockets  would  be  injuri- 


286  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

oiisly  affected.  Foi'eigners,  during  our  civil  war,  "  made  haste 
slowl_y  "  in  the  purchase  of  our  bonds.  Nothing  of  friendship 
or  patriotism  was  manifested.  Capital,  ever  cautions,  doubted 
and  waited  a  long  time  in  Germany,  and  still  longer  in 
England.  Most  of  their  investments  were  made  when  their 
bonds  cost  thein  but  fifty  cents  on  the  dollar.  They  have  been 
receiving  their  interest  in  gold,  until  it  is  proposed  to  pay  it 
"  in  coin."  If  for  this  reason  they  choose  to  send  home  our 
bonds,  we  can  afford  to  receive  them,  having  large  amounts  of 
money  seeking  profitable  investments.  Nor  is  this  the  only 
method  of  intimidation  resorted  to.  We  are  told  that  if  the 
money  standards  of  the  Constitution  are  restored,  the  Syndicate 
will  suspend  its  negotiations.  How  far  this  threat  will  be 
carried  remains  to  be  seen.  The  Syndicate  is  not  a  benevolent 
institution.  It  will  go  on  with  its  funding  operations,  or  dis- 
continue them,  according  to  the  interests  of  the  parties  con- 
cerned. If,  by  a  return  to  specie  payments,  upon  a  basis  broad 
enough  to  meet  the  requirements  of  our  commercial  and  manu- 
facturing enterprises  and  industries,  prosperity  should  follow 
resumption,  the  lamentations  of  bondholders  at  home  and 
abroad  would  no  longer  be  heard. 

I  perceive  that  Mr.  William  E.  Dodge  and  Mr.  A.  A.  Low, 
eminent  alike  as  merchants  and  as  citizens,  were  among  the 
distinguished  gentlemen  who  went  to  "Washington  to  oppose 
the  passage  of  the  bill  remonetizing  silver.  M}^  respect  for 
these  highly  intelligent  gentlemen  is  so  great  that  I  should  be 
gratified  to  learn,  whether,  during  their  long  and  creditable 
commercial  life,  they  were  embarrassed  in. the  acquisition  of 
their  large  fortunes  by  the  use  of  silver  in  common  with  gold 
as  a  standard  ?  The  experience  of  Mr.  Low  upon  this  question 
would  derive  a  special  importance  from  the  circumstance  that 
his  commercial  relations  existed  with  nations  whose  currency 
was  almost  exclusively  of  silver.  In  their  raid  against  silver, 
our  bankers  and  journals  find  their  strongest  argument  in  the 
circumstance  that  the  silver  dollar  is  not  worth  even  as  much 
as  the  greenback  dollar.  None  of  them,  however,  seem  to 
remember  that  the  greenback  has  the  protection  of  the  Govern- 
ment, while  silver  was  deprived  of  that  protection  by  deception 
and  fraud.     When,  by  the  repeal  of  the  law  of  1873,  silver,  like 


Articles  of  Thurlow  Weed.  28T 

gold,   becomes   a   standard,   the   relative   value  of   each   will 
approximate  —  silver  going  up  and  gold  coming  down. 

I  had  supposed  that  the  silver  coins  wdiich  had  so  quietly 
expelled  fractional  paper  currency  from  circulation,  were  as 
acceptable  to  bankers  as  to  the  people.  But  even  in  this  I 
erred.  By  a  resolution  adopted  in  the  recent  Bankers'  Con- 
vention, subsidiary  silver  was  grudgingly  conceded  to  a  popular 
"  prejudice."  This  concession,  however,  was  qualified  by  a 
proviso  that  the  silver  in  circulation  must  be  voluntary,  rather 
than  "  enforced."  There  are,  I  am  happy  to  sa_y,  notwith- 
standing the  furore  against  silver,  individual  bankers  who  favor 
its  remonetization.  The  following  letter  from  Mr.  Yan 
Antwerp,  the  thoughtful  and  intelligent  cashier  of  the  State 
Bank  at  Albany,  suggests  practical  amendments  to  the  Bland 
bill: 

Thurlow  Weed,  Ksep,  Neio  York. 

My  Dear  Sir  :  After  listening  to  your  interesting  remarks 
*  this  morning  on  the  silver  question,  now  ©ccupying  so  much  of 
public  attention,  and  your  argument  for  making  our  silver  coin 
equivalent  to,  or  equal,  as  a  tender,  to  gold — -a  proposal 
which,  to  my  view,  with  some  reason,  finds  many  objectors  — 
the  thought  has  occurred  to  me  that  the  divergence  of  opinion 
between  the  advocates  of  gold  alone,  and  those  who  advocate 
the  bi-metallic  system  of  ?,W\eY  and  gold  for  our  country,  might 
be  harmonized  by  a  simple  amendment  to  any  new  silver  coin- 
age bill  which  should  be  passed  by  Congress.  The  amendment 
I  suggest  is,  that  a  provision  be  inserted  in  the  bill,  that  hold- 
ers of  American  silver  dollars  should  at  all  times  have  the 
option  of  exchanging  them  at  any  of  the  mints  or  sub-treasuries 
of  the  United  States  for  gold  -coin,  when  presenting-  them  in 
sums  of  not  less  than  $5,000  ;  and  that  holders  of  gold  should 
also  have  the  option  of  exchanging  it  for  American  silver  dol- 
lars in  like  manner,  on  presentation  at  any  of  the  mints  or 
sub-treasuries,  when  j)resenting  it  in  sums  of  like  amount ! 

Such  an  amendment  would  create  a  governmental  "  inter- 
convertibility  "  between  silver  coin  and  gold  coin ;  and,  while 
on  the  one  hand  relieving  the  fears  of  those  who  apprehend 
evils  from  a  possible  excessive  issue  of  silver,  would,  on  the 
other,  give  those  who  have  not  such  apprehensions,  opportunity 
to  prove  by  practical  experiment  that  there  was  no  occasion  for 
them,  and  no  reason  for  objection  to  the  use  of  two  metals  as 
standards.  By  an  enactment  recognizing  their  legal  inter- 
changeability  in  the  manner  proposed,  gold  and  silver  would 
become  as  one,  and  the  word  "  coin,"  as  used  in  our  national 


288  Selections  feom  the  IsTewspapee 

obligations,  be  effectively  relieved  from  exposure  to  the  two 
different  interpretations  now  so  utterly  irreconcilable. 

Very  truly  yours, 

J.  H.  Yan  Antwerp. 
Albany,  November  10,  1877. 

My  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of  returning  to  the  financial 
policy  of  "  onr  fathers  "  has  been  strengthened  by  conversa- 
tions with  the  venerable  Thomas  W.  Olcott,  for  more  than 
sixty^ears  the  siiccessf  ul  financial  ofiicer  of  the  Mechanics  and 
Farmers'  Bank,  of  Albany.  Mr.  Olcott  is  not  only  the  oldest 
bank  president  in  our  State,  but  is  widely  known  as  a  uniform, 
earnest,  and  enlightened  hard-money  man. 

The  Senate,  as  I  anticipated  in  a  former  letter,  reports  the 
Bland  Silver  Bill  with  some  proper  amendments.  If  the  ad- 
vocates of  a  gold  standard  only,  would  have  met  the  conserva- 
tive friends  of  the  silver  standard,  the  bill  might  have  been  so 
amended  as  to  remove  all  the  objections  of  wise  and  good  men 
to  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  under  auspices  certain  to 
protect  and  promote  the  finaiicial  credit  of  the  country,  and  the 
material  prosperity  of  the  people.  If,  for  any  reason,  a  law  re- 
storing the  financial  policy  of  the  Government  under  which  the 
country  enjoyed  unparalleled  prosperity,  to  the  disastrous  hour 
that  slavery  sought  the  destruction  of  the  Government  and  dis- 
memberment of  the  Union,  the  responsibility  and  the  conse- 
quences will  rest  upon  the  aggressive,  rapacious,  uncompromis- 
ing spirit  of  the  worshipers  of  gold,  supplemented,  I  am  con- 
strained to  add,  by  the  bulldozing  course  of  the  press. 

New  Yokk,  November  23,  1877.  T.  W. 


Articles  of  Thurlow  "Weed.  289 

UNLIMITED   SILVEE. 

A.  D.  1877. 


PRESIDENT  HATES    MISTAKEN  VIEWS  —  FRAUDULENT  DEMONETIZA- 
TION   OF    SILVER. THE    BONDS    PAYABLE  EITHER  IN    SILVER    OR 

GOLD THE    EAST  READY  TO  JOIN  THE  WEST  AND  SOUTH,  IF  THE 

"  BLAND  "    BILL    IS    DEFEATED. 

To  the  Editor  of  The  N.  Y.  Trilune  : 

Sir  :  Since  the  publication  of  mj  last  letter  in  favor  of  the 
remonetization  of  silver,  the  question  has  assumed  new  and 
important  aspects.  The  President  and  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury have,  in  their  communications  to  Congress,  declared  them- 
selves against  the  full  remonetization  of  silver.  The  objections 
of  both  are  founded  upon  what,  in  their  judgment,  concerns 
the  financial  honor  of  the  Government ;  in  other  words,  the 
apprehension  that  a  full  remonetization  of  silver  would  arrest 
tlie  refunding  of  the  public  debt,  seems  to  be  the  controlling 
consideration  with  President  Hayes  and  Secretary  Sherman. 
The  President  goes  so  far  as  to  compute  the  amount  which  he 
thinks  would  be  lost  if  the  negotiations  of  the  Syndicate  be 
suspended. 

I  am  greatly  disappointed  that  both  the  President  and  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  have  failed  to  present  the  silver  ques- 
tion in  its  true  light  through  Congress  to  the  people.  We  had 
a  right  to  expect,  from  the  highest  Executive  and  Financial 
authorities,  an  explanation  of  the  causes  which,  in  their  opinion, 
render  it  essential  to  the  national  honor  to  pay  the  national 
debt  in  money  other  than  that  which  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws  of  Congress  made  a  legal  tender.  Men  whose  opinions 
and  actions  are  based  upon  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  may, 
if  reasoned  with,  consent  to  be  more  than  just  to  the  public 
creditor,  but  this  concession  will  not  be  forced  from  us  by 
being  denounced  as  inflationists  and  repudiators,  or  in  being 
stigmatized  as  ready  to  commit  "  robbery  and  wrong "  by 
voting  in  favor  of  the  remonetization  of  silver.  As  the  public 
interest  is  likely  to  intensify  rather  than  diminish  in  the  future 
discussion  of  this  question,  I  want  to  recall,  demonstrate,  and 
37 


290  Selections  from  the  ]N^ewspapee 

clincli  two  01"  three  vital  positions.  First,  let  it  be  remembered 
that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  made  gold  and  silver 
coins  legal  tender,  and  devolved  upon  Congress  the  exclusive 
power  to  regulate  the  weight  and  value  of  both  metals  as  coins. 
Second,  as  often  as  the  exigencies  of  the  Government  required 
a  resort  to  loans,  laws  were  passed  authorizing  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  to  borrow  the  sums  required,  making  the  princi- 
pal and  interest  payable  in  coin.  That  policy  and  language,  as 
will  be  seen  by  the  following  act,  copied  from  the  Statutes  of 
the  United  States,  was  continued  until  the  year  1870.  The 
law  which  passed  on  July  14,  1870,  is  as  follows: 

Act  of  July  14,  1870,  page  244  of  the  acts  of  the  second  ses 
sion  of  the  XLIst  Congress  :  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury is  hereby  authorized  to  issue  in  a  sum  or  sums  not  exceed- 
ing in  the  aggregate  $200,000,000,  coupon  or  registered  bonds 
of  the  United  States,  in  such  form  as  he  may  prescribe,  and  of 
denominations  of  $50  or  some  multiple  of  that  sum,  redeem- 
able in  coin  of  the  present  standard  value  *  *  *  and 
bearing  interest,  payable  semi-annually  in  such  coin,  at  the  rate 
of  5  per  cent  per  annum.  '^  "  *  Also  a  sum  or  sums  not 
exceeding  ^  *  ^  $300,000,000  of  like  bonds,  the  same  in 
all  respects     *     '^     *     interest  at  the  rate  of  4|^  per  cent.     * 

*  ^  *  Also  a  sum  *  -^  *  not  exceeding  $1,000,- 
000,000  of  like  bonds,  the  same  in  all  respects  *  '^  *  * 
interest  at  the  rate  of  4|-  per  cent.     *     *     ^^ 

In  accordance  with  and  in  obedience  to  the  provisions  of  the 
above  act,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  prepared  bonds  by  the 
terms  of  which  the  debtor  and  the  creditor,  as  borrower  and 
lender,  acted  understand] ngly.  The  lender  paid  gold  and  silver 
for  his  bond,  according  to  his  interest  or  convenience,  and 
agreed  to  receive  in  payment  of  princi]3al  and  interest,  gold  or 
silver  at  the  option  of  the  goverimient.  The  following  is  a 
copy  of  the  indorsement  of  the  bonds  issued  under  the  law  of 
July  14,  1870 : 

The  United  States  of  A  merica  are  indebted  to ,  of , 

or  assigns,  in  the  sum  of  dollars.     This  bond  is  issued  in 

accordance  with  the  provisions  of  an  act  of  Congress  entitled 
"An  act  to  authorize  the  refunding  of  the  national  debt, 
approved  July  14,  1870,  amended  by  an  act  approved  January 
20,  1871,"  and  is  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United 
States  after  the  first  day  of  September,  A.  D.  1891,  in  coin  of 
the  standard  value  of  the  United  States  on  said  July  14,  1870, 
with  interest  in  such  coin  from  the  day  of  the  date  hereof  at 


Articles  of  Thuklow  Weed.  291 

the  rate  of  If  per  centum  per  annum,  payable  quarterly,  on  the 
first  day  of  December,  March,  June,  and  September  in  each 
year.  The  principal  and  interest  are  exempt  from  the  payment 
of  all  taxes  or  duties  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  from  tax- 
ation in  any  form  by  or  under  State,  or  municijoal,  or  local 
authority. 

Until  1871,  therefore,  silver  and  gold  coins  in  the  eye  of  tlie 
law,  and  between  the  government  and  the  bondholders,  were 
of  equal  value,  and  equally  a  legal  tender.  It  was  not  then 
"  dishonesty,"  "  repudiation,"  or  "  robl)ery  "  to  pay  our  debts 
precisely  as  we  agreed  to  pay  them.  But  in  1873,  after  a  sus- 
pension of  specie  payments,  and  when  the  question  of  resump- 
tion was  in  the  distant  future.  Congress  stealthily  demonetized 
one  of  the  precious  metals.  ISTo  one  asked  for  tliat  chaiige,  and 
very  few  knew  that  they  had  voted  for  it.  We  are  left  to 
infer  its  object  by  its  effect.  Gold  C(-»ntinued  to  bear  a  pre- 
mium, while  silver  fell  step  by  step,  until  we  are  asked  whether 
it  is  honest  to  pay  our  debts  in  a  dollar  w^ortli  eight  per  cent  less 
than  a  gold  dollar.  My  answer  to  this  question  is  that  tlie 
moment  it  was  discovered  that  silver  had.  been  fraudulently 
demonetized,  the  repeal  of  the  law  of  1873  sliould  have  been 
promptly  and  indignantly  demanded.  Silver  restored  to  its 
accustomed  position  as  a  legal  tender,  would  have  recovered  its 
market  value,  or  if  by  the  new  financial  attitude  of  the  Latin 
governments  its  value  in  foreign  markets  had  l^een  unfavorably 
affected,  we  should  have  been  in  a  position  to  meet  the  question 
upon  equal  grounds.  But  of  tliis  advantage  we  were  surrepti- 
tiously deprived.  The  money  standard  question  is  eminently 
one  to  be  adjusted  by  an  international  convention.  If  such  a 
convention  should  now  be  called,  we  go  into  it  at  great  disad- 
vantage, having  voluntarily  deprived  ourselves  of  a  standard 
recognized  in  common  with  gold  by  France,  and  used  almost 
exclusively  as  money  in  India,  China,  and  Japan.  In  wholly 
ignoring  tliese  considerations,  the  administration  has  lost  a 
great  opportunity.  I  waited  anxiously  for  the  President's 
message,  in  the  hope  that  it  would  advert  to  the  fraudulent 
demonetization  of  silver,  recommending  its  restoration  with 
such  modifications  as  he  might  deem  proper.  I  have  long 
believed  that  resumption  can  be  reached  easily,  and  can  be  ren- 
dered permanent  by  the  utilization  of  silver.  This  opinion  is 
confirmed  and  strengthened   by  experience  and  observation. 


292  Selections  feom  tpie  Newspaper 

Silver  lias  quietly  and  advantageously  taken  the  place  of  frac- 
tional paper  currency  —  a  currency  by  which,  beside  its  incon- 
venience, the  people  lost  many  millions  of  dollars.  But  even 
subsidiary  silver,  precious  as  it  is  to  the  masses,  offends  the 
advocates  of  a  gold  standard.  A  JSTational  Convention  of 
Bankers,  embodying  and  representing,  it  is  to  be  presumed, 
the  financial  wisdom  of  the  country,  unanimously  adopted,  as 
the  result  of  its  deliberations,  the  following  resolution : 

Resolved,  That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  convention,  silver 
money,  as  a  subsidiary  currency,  is  desired  by  the  people,  and 
that  its  "  free,"  and  not  "  enforced  "  use  will  greatly  aid  in 
restoring  the  value  of  our  paper  money. 

My  great  respect  for  individual  bankers  leads  me  to  believe 
that,  while  this  resolution  was  tmanimously  adopted,  many 
bankers  would  hesitate,  individually,  to  avow  their  a]3proval  of 
it.  While  the  whole  country  is  enjoying  the  advantages  of 
partial  specie  resumption  ;  while  the  people  everywhere  hailed 
the  return  of  silver  coin  as  a  precious  boon,  the  bankers,  though 
constrained  to  admit  its  usefulness  in  "  restoring  the  value  of 
our  paper  money,"  grudgingly  consent  to  its  "  free,"  but  not 
"  enforced  "  circulation.  In  other  words,  the  bankers  say  that 
as  the  people  in  their  ignorance  "  desire  "  silver  coins  instead 
of  paper  stamps,  it  is  well  enough  to  gratify  them  by  its  circu- 
lation among  themselves,  provided  the  banks  are  not  "  enforced  " 
to  recognize  it  as  a  legal  tender. 

The  bankers'  resolution  reflects  the  spii'it  manifested  gener- 
ally by  the  gold  advocates.  This  remark  is  especially  true  in 
reference  to  the  Press.  All  the  bitterness  of  denunciation 
against  paper  inflationists  and  repudiators  has  been  turned  upon 
those  whose  offense  consists  in  advocating  the  restoration  of  a 
money  standard  authorized  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  enjoyed  by  the  people,  under  Congressional  laws, 
until  they  M^ere  fraudulently  deprived  of  it  in  1873.  Indeed, 
the  hostility  to  silver  is  so  absorbing  that  the  gold  advocates 
begin  to  contemplate  a  paper  currency  with  favor.  The  fact 
that  greenbacks  are  worth  more  than  silver  is  urged  against  its 
remonetization,  while  the  other  fact  that  the  relative  value  of 
the  greenback  and  silver  dollar  was  fixed  and  determined  by 
Congressional  law,  is  concealed.  If  the  silver  dollar  be  now 
worth  eight  cents  less  than  the  gold  dollar,  it  is  because  the 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed,  293 

Government  made  it  so.  Gold,  like  silver  and  paper,  owes  its 
money  value  now,  as  ever,  to  the  government  stamp.  How 
conld  silver  be  expected  to  retain  its  mone}'^  value  when  it 
ceased,  under  a  law  of  Congress,  to  be  a  legal  tender?  Here- 
tofore, during  the  existence  of  our  government,  all  parties 
claimed  that  legislation  should  be  so  guided  as  to  develop  the 
resources  of  the  country  and  stimulate  the  industries  of  the 
people.  There  w^as  a  conflict  between  the  planting,  the  manu- 
facturing, and  the  mineral  interests.  All  interests,  however, 
which  came  into  competition  with  foreign  countries  demanded 
protection.  New  England  required  protection  for  her  manu- 
factories, JSTew  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  for  their  iron  and  coal, 
and  Louisiana  for  her  sugar.  Later,  when  valuable  deposits  of 
lead  and  copper  were  discovered  in  the  Western  States,  pro- 
tection was  required  and  accorded  to  those  interests.  But 
when  a  kind  Providence  re^'ealed,  in  a  trying  crisis,  treasures 
still  more  valuable  and  precious,  instead  of  extending  protec- 
tion to  silver,  the  Government  stealthily  and  secretly  deprived 
it  of  its  monetary  character.  Other  metals,  in  their  various 
ways,  have  been  utilized.  But  the  Government,  the  Bond- 
holders, the  Press,  and  even  the  Pulpit,  now  unite  in  refusing 
to  repeal  a  law  which  was  fraudulently  enacted.  While,  there- 
fore, other  interests  have  been  vigilantly  guarded,  we  not  only 
refuse  to  protect  silver,  l)ut  deny  ourselves  the  advantages 
resulting  from  its  use  as  money.  Before  silver  was  found  in 
our  own  country,  we  cheerfully  availed  ourselves  of  the  Span- 
ish and  Mexican  silver  dollars  as  a  legal  tender  in  the  payment 
of  all  debts.  Now,  when  we  are  rich  in  silver,  we  recklessly 
throw  away  all  of  these  advantages. 

John  Pandolph,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  the  House  of  RejD- 
resentatives,  half  a  century  ago,  against  a  protective  tariff,  said 
that  he  "  hated  wool,"  and  would  go  a  mile  out  of  his  way 
to  "  kick  a  sheep."  Tt  is  very  much  in  this  spirit  that  the  war- 
fare against  silver  is  waged.  The  worshipers  of  gold  hate 
silver,  and  go  out  of  their  way  to  "  kick  "  the  "  dollar  of  their 
fathers."  And  yet,  from  the  close  of  our  war  with  England, 
in  1815,  the  history  of  the  world  furnishes  no  parallel  to  the 
growth,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the  American  people,  up 
to  1860,  when  we  encountered  rebellion  and  war.     During  that 


29 -i  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 

long  period,  subject  to  occasional  checks  incident  to  all  nations 
commerce,  manufactures,  and  agriculture,  each  clierisliing  and 
assisting  the  other,  furnished  rennmerative  employment  to  all 
willing  hands,  and  a  rich  reward  to  the  capital  invested.  Dur- 
ing those  "  years  of  plenty  "  —  years  of  indnstry  and  economy 
—  the  wealth  was  acquired  which  has  since  been  scpiandered. 
We  are  working  slowly  back  to  that  palmy  condition  nnder  the 
demoralizing  influences  of  a  sangninary  and  expensive  war  — 
greatly  retarded  by  liabits  of  extravagance  and  idleness  which 
that  war  engendered.  What  we  now  need  to  restore  pros- 
perity, is  a  return  to  the  financial  policy  wliich  gave  us  a  paper 
currency,  convertible  at  all  times  and  places  into  specie.  If  it 
be  nrged  against  sncli  a  policy  that  certain  foreign  governments 
have  adopted  a  single  standard,  and  that  we  must  conform 
thereto,  my  answer  is,  that  we  mnst  have  a  fair  start  by  right- 
ing the  wrong  perpetrated  in  1873.  Under  providential  laws 
we  are  a  wonderfully  favored  nation.  We  are  producing  silver 
in  great  abnndance.  It  is  our  right  and  our  dnty  fairly  and 
honestly  to  make  the  most  'of  it,  as  we  do  with  the  other 
products  of  earth  and  ocean.  If  for  reasons  which  concern  the 
credit  or  honor  of  the  nation  it  is  deemed  expedient  to  pay  the 
bondholder  in  gold,  even  though  he  agreed  to  receive  his  pay  in 
coin,  let  that  concession  be  made.  Silver  wonld  still  remain  a 
standard  among  ourselves,  and  with  full  two-thirds  of  all  the 
nations  and  jDeoples  commercially  related  to  us.  This  was  the 
financial  ground  that  I  fondly  hoj)ed  the  Administration  would 
occupy.  Upon  such  a  basis  resumption  and  prosperity  would 
have  been  reached  and  maintained. 

There  is,  however,  one  more  chance  left  for  averting  evil. 
The  gold  men,  if  not  lost  alike  to  considerations  of  justice  and 
duty,  and  to  a  sense  of  their  own  true  interest,  will,  after  it 
has  been  properly  amended,  accept  and  vote  for  the  Bland 
Silver  Bill.  In  this  way  manifold  dangers  will  not  only  be 
averted,  but  resumption  and  prosperity  achieved.  Should  this 
last  chance  be  lost ;  if  the  gold  men  persist  in  a  course  which 
protracts  the  hoarding  and  sweating  financial  policy,  they  will 
become  responsible  for  the  consequences.  Already,  signal 
lights  are  burning.  There  is  danger,  it  is  said,  that  the  Bland 
Bill  will  be  passed  by  constitutional  majorities  in  both  Houses 
over  a  Presidential  veto.     Now,  I  take  leave  to  say  to  the 


Articles  of  Thuelow  Weed.  295 

aggressive  and  rapacious  capitalists  that  the  worst  thing  possi- 
ble for  them  and  for  the  M^elfare  of  our  conntry,  will  be  the 
defeat  of  a  bill  remonetizing  silver,  by  a  Presidential  veto.  If, 
therefore,  the  gold  men  persist  in  sowing  the  storm,  they  mnst 
be  prepared  to  reap  the  whirlwind.  Thonghtful  men  would  be 
admonished  by  the  fact  that  already  nearly  or  quite  two-thirds 
of  the  members  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  are  in  favor  of  the 
remonetization  of  silver.  Should  the  voice  of  the  people  and 
the  votes  of  their  representatives  be  oveiTidden  by  an  Execu- 
tive veto  no  prophet  is  needed  to  foretell  the  consequences. 
Those  who  delude  themselves  with  the  idea  that  the  present 
defeat  of  a  silver  bill  terminates  the  controversy,  will  soon  find 
that  illusion  dispelled.  The  question,  returned  to  the  people 
will  be  considered  in  the  light  which  discussion  has  thrown 
upon  it.  The  advocates  of  silver  will  not,  as  heretofore,  be 
largely  confined  to  the  South  and  West.  The  people  of  JSTew 
Jersey,  New  York,  and  Xew  England,  whose  business  interests 
have  stood  still  cjuite  too  lo'ng,  will  speak  and  act,  in  ways  that 
their  rei3resentatives  who  vote  to  deprive  them  of  the  use  of 
money  providentially  provided  for  their  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness, will  not  misunderstand. 

If  I  discern  and  characterize  "  events  which  cast  their 
shadows  before,''  it  is  only  in  the  hope  of  inducing  good  men 
to  act  wisely.  I  deprecate  and  deplore,  as  earnestly  as  any 
other  citizen,  the  possibilities  which  we  may  be  forced  to 
encounter.  It  is  only  to  avoid  shipwreck  that  I  reluctantly 
point  out  the  reefs  and  rocks  toward  which  we  are  drifting. 
My  individual  interests,  in  a  small  way,  are  identified  with  the 
class  that  differs  so  widely  with  me  about  the  best  methods  for 
their  security  and  protection.  T.  W. 

Kew  York,  Deeemder  11,  1877. 


296  Selections  from  the  Newspaper 


THUELOW    WEED^S    LETTER   TO    THE   TWENTY- 

FIEST  Al^NUAL  CONYEJ^TION  OF   THE   NEW 
YORK  PRESS  ASSOCIATION. 


New  York,  June  7, 1877. 

Dear  Sir — Your  letter  of  the  5th  instant,  inviting  me  to 
attend  the  Annnal  Meeting  of  the  New  York  Press  Associa- 
tion, at  Albany,  on  Wednesda}^  next,  was  dnlj  received.  I 
very  innch  regret  that  my  engagements  for  Tuesday  and 
Wednesday  of  next  week  will  deprive  me  of  the  pleasure  of 
meeting  gentlemen  with  whom  I  am  associated  in  sympathy, 
and  whose  occupation  enables  them  to  exert  a  powerful  influ- 
ence upon  all  questions  which  concern  the  prosperity  and 
happiness  of  the  people  and  the  welfare  and  stability  of  the 
government. 

Old  men  live  in  the  past.  My  past  was  connected  with 
the  Press.  My  life,  from  1811  to  1868,  was  j)assed  as  an 
apprentice,  journeyman,  publisher  and  editor,  in  Printing 
offices.  These  occupations  were  eminently  congenial.  Sixty- 
six  years  of  constant  labor  were  cheered  by  aspirations  wliicIT 
were  gradually  but  ultimately  realized.  Industry  and  fidelity 
were,  under  the  guidance  of  a  kind  Providence,  abundantly 
rewarded.  And  now,  in  the  evening  of  life,  my  chief  enjoy- 
ment consists  in  remembrances  of  the  stirring  events  with 
which  I  have  been  connected,  and  of  the  army  of  patriotic 
and  devoted  friends  of  whom  I  cherish  agreeable  recollec- 
tions—  recollections  saddened  only  by  the  reflection  that 
most  of   them  have  passed  away. 

When  I  published  my  first  newspaper  at  Norwich, 
Chenango  county,  there  were  about  sixty  journals  in  the 
State.  Of  their  proprietors  my  friend  Lewis  H.  Redfield,  of 
Syracuse,  is  the  only  survivor.  — -- 

With  thanks  for  your  kind  invitation,  and  reiterated  regrets 
that  I  am  unable  to  accept  it,  please  express  to  the  members 


Articles  of  Thurj.ow  "Weed.  297 

of  the  Association,  the  hope  that  in  maintaining  and  pre- 
serving the  dignity  and  purity  of  the  Press,  their  own  pros- 
perity and  happiness  may  be  perpetuated. 

Truly  yours,  Thuklow  Weed. 

Charles  E.  Smith,  Esq. 
38 


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